Feminismi ja sosiaalipsykologia

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

La dimensión transnacional del movimiento feminista marroquí: génesis, desarrollo e impacto social (1980-2008)

Esta monografía busca explicar cómo han incidido el contexto internacional y las relaciones transnacionales en el movimiento feminista de Marruecos. De este modo, este estudio defiende que las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer de la ONU crearon una estructura de oportunidad política que favoreció el surgimiento y el desarrollo de este movimiento. Asimismo, dicho contexto construyó un espacio para que las activistas feministas marroquíes crearan y se insertaran en Redes de Defensa Transnacional, las cuales contribuyeron a cambiar la condición de la mujer en Marruecos, a través de reformas a los Códigos de Familia y Nacionalidad y el levantamiento de las reservas a la CEDAW. Para esto se hará un estudio interdisciplinario haciendo uso de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y del activismo transnacional. Igualmente, se utilizará una metodología cualitativa, principalmente a través de las herramientas del análisis de contenido y el trabajo de campo de la autora.

Desenvolvimento e autonomia das mulheres: uma avaliação do POPMR na região oeste potiguar - 2008/2012

The dissertation evaluates about Rural Women s Productive Organization Program effectiveness of Western Rio Grande do Norte(2008-2012). Specifically, it has aimed to: 1) Describe about Rural Women s Productive Organization Program characteristics in Western Potiguar Region; 2) Investigate which social economic changes the program has caused in Rural Women s lives from Western Potiguar Region; 3) Evaluate whether women s participation in the feminist social movement has contributed in order to facilitate access to the program; 4) evaluate whether rural women s participation from western Potiguar region in POPMR has provoked some questions in relation to labor sexual division in policy all female users or whether it has amplified their capacities for their economical autonomy conquest. The evaluation has been as reference the development concept as freedom according to Amartya Sen (2000) and labor sex division sustained by separation and hierarchy activities performed by men and women according to Kergoat (2009). The qualitative character investigation was made up by a bibliographical and documental research, semi-structured interviews and focal group. The interviews with female mediator agents and female public managers have demonstrated the paths how to create the program by explaining the difficulties and possibilities. The research was concluded with focal groups that had accessed POPMR in western region. With the methodological instruments used, it was possible to achieve the results: The research data show that POPMR has contributed for the region development specifically by expanding rural women s capacities. However, there are still some difficulties which could be overcome with a state actualization, as policies for home labor and home labor care socialization. In this way, the infrastructure construction for production and reproduction must be based on a kind of legislation for a small production which are indispensable elements for a bigger effective policy for women in a rural environment

Androiden und (Anti)feminismus in The Stepford Wives

Since the early days of cinema the creation of artificial life with its various implications has been a popular topic on screen. Amongst the large number of films that deal with the theme of androids Bryan Forbes’ "The Stepford Wives" (1975) is noticeable for its focus on questions of gender and the relationship between the sexes. The film is set in a contemporary small suburban town where frustrated husbands have found a special way of dealing with their emancipated wives by replacing them with docile life-like robots. Mixing elements of the thriller and horror genres with farce and comedy "The Stepford Wives" was the first American mainstream film to deal explicitly with Women’s Lib. Unlike Ira Levin in his much more ambivalent novel that the film was based on, Forbes and his actors deliberately set out to make a feminist satire, and according to some critics succeeded in producing an important document of second wave feminism which soon acquired cult status. However, it also provoked a number of negative reactions from feminists who were very uncomfortable with a film in which men get away with murdering the female population of an entire town. A closer inspection reveals that the satirical element of the film is indeed not prominent and frequently counteracted, at times facilitating a misogynist rather than a feminist interpretation. This is mainly due to the ending of the film which implies the murderous elimination of the female protagonist. Unlike all other cinematic and literary works that feature androids "The Stepford Wives" shows the successful creation of artificial life which does not backfire. In addition, the film which clearly categorises itself as a thriller and horror movie, and specifically alludes to the tradition of threatened yet strong female characters in these genres, at the same time defies this convention in favour of a seemingly misogynist ending. Thus the way in which "The Stepford Wives" refuses to comply with the traditions of both the android theme and the horror genre, involuntarily serves to undermine its intention as a feminist social satire.

Um olhar sobre a lei Maria da Penha no Paraná: avanços e desafios

This study aims to analyze the process of implementation of Maria da Penha Law in Paraná from the perception of persons directly involved in combating violence against women in that state. To achieve this goal, the implementation in Curitiba was taken as the main reference, due to its status as capital, being the headquarter of the political powers and the place where are some feminist social movements. We have chosen qualitative approach of interpretative nature as research methodology, because it is a method that allows the analysis of the responses and as a data collection technique. We also have chosen the individual semi-structured interview as interview mode, because it gives greater freedom to the interviewee to discuss the matter, but it is delimited to the study objectives. The research included nine persons, including members of the Judiciary and Public Ministry, public servants and activists. The importance of the study stems from the relevance of the numbers of violence against women in Brazil, and more specifically by the significant occurrence of this kind of acts in the state of Paraná, which currently occupies the 3rd place in the ranking for the most violent states. The paper also discusses gender relations by understanding that violence against women is the result of an asymmetrical power relationship between men and women; human rights because violence is a blatant disregard of women's human rights; on public policies and technologies to confront this form of violence. Among the policies, the Maria da Penha Law is highlighted as one of the most striking examples of public policy for combating violence against women. The research found out which was the participation of Paraná in the discussion and implementation of Maria da Penha Law, identifying relevant facts and people and also what was the repercussion obtained by this law. As for the implementation in Paraná, it was possible to determine progresses, difficulties and challenges of the process. The greatest advances obtained so far are the facilities of: Court of Domestic and Family Violence against Women in Curitiba, Maria da Penha Patrol and Women's Special City Office of Curitiba. As for the difficulties, they are related, among others things, to the physical structure, training of agents, political will, and even cultural issues, which are directly linked to gender issues. Thus it was found that the law is implemented in the state, but there are still several challenges to be achieved, which consist, mainly, of the structure increment for combating violence; awareness and change of mentality of public officials; training of service agents and a greater social participation in combating violence. We concluded that the need for change in gender relations, which is an educational and social evolutionary process and therefore time consuming, is also a challenge.

The incorporation of violence by women video artists

This paper examines the way in which women video artists embodied violence in their video pieces as a strategy of critique of the patriarchal regime. Since the 1960s several generations of women artists used different strategies of self-harm or explored the physical and mental limits of their bodies to express the anguish of those who are excluded from the patriarchal society on sexist and/or racist grounds. Considering the guiding line that covers three fields – art, gender, and feminist social movements – as well as their key thinkers and scholars in Sociology, Fine Arts and the Humanities, we have built the object of study of this essay, namely, the relationship between women's video art focused on the body, violence and gender along with feminist social movements in the period ranging from 1967 to 2007, in a Western context. The methodology used had as its primary goal to create a link between the micro-sociological level of expressions, body gestures and behaviours in the videos and the macro-sociological level of broader, institutionalized social forces that are at the origin of inequalities, such as dimensions of gender and «race». This study concluded that at least since the 1960s there is the denunciation by women video artists of the general circumstances women live under, while enduring violence of various kinds, such as socio-cultural, psychological and sexual violence against women.

The geography of reported domestic violence in Brisbane: a social justice perspective

Police call data and court data are used to map the incidence of reported domestic violence in Brisbane. These data are correlated with low family income, unemployment and a measure of multiple disadvantage (an Index of Relative Socio-Economic Disadvantage) for each Statistical Local Area (suburb) in Brisbane. Only the Index of Relative Socio-Economic Disadvantage is a statistically significant predictor of reported domestic violence. The finding of a significantly higher incidence of reported domestic violence among relatively worse-off families is investigated within a social justice context. A measure of multiple relative disadvantage is shown to better reflect the negative impacts of structural inequalities on families in explaining the reported occurrence of domestic violence.

Breaking the Pattern and Creating New Paths – Feminist Mizrahi Women Artists in Israel

This article addresses the work of Mizrahi women artists, i.e., Israeli-Jewish women of Asian or African ethnic origin, using the artist Vered Nissim as a case study. Nissim seeks to affirm the politics of identity and recognition, as well as feminism in order to create a paradigm shift with regards to the local regime of cultural representations in the Israeli art scene. Endeavouring to find ways of undermining the rigid imbalances between different social groups, she calls for a comprehensive reform of the status quo through artistic activism. Nissim employs a style, content, and medium that disrupts the accepted social order, using humour and irony as unique weapons with which she takes liberties with conventional moral, social, and economic values. Placing issues of race, class and gender at the centre of her work, she seeks to undermine and problematize essentialist attitudes, highlighting the political intersections of different identity categories as the critical analysis of intersectionality unfolds.

Conscientization of Social Cryptomnesia Reduces Hostile Sexism and Rejection of Feminists

This paper develops a hypothesis concerning the conscientization of social cryptomnesia, claiming that it is possible to reduce the rejection of minorities by reminding the population that a certain value has been promoted by a certain minority. Participants (N = 93) first reported their attitudes toward women's rights and feminist movements. They were then confronted with their higher appreciation of women's rights over feminists (social cryptomnesia) and blamed for it (conscientization) in a more versus less threatening manner. Results indicated that conscientization can be effective not only in inducing a more positive attitude toward feminists, but also in decreasing hostile sexism when the threat is lower. Implications for minority influence research are discussed.

Doing Intersectionality: Repertoires of Feminist Practices in France and Canada

Intersectionality has been adopted as the preferred term to refer to and to analyze multiple axes of oppression in feminist theory. However, less research examines if this term, and the political analyses it carries, has been adopted by women's rights organizations in various contexts and to what effect. Drawing on interviews with activists working in a variety of women's rights organizations in France and Canada, I show that intersectionality is only one of the repertoires that a women's rights organization might use to analyze the social experience and the political interests of women situated at the intersection of several axes of domination. I propose a typology of four repertoires that activists use to reflect on intersectionality and inclusiveness. Drawing on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the interview data, I show that hegemonic repertoires about racial or religious identity in one national context shape the way activists and organizations understand intersectionality and its challenges. The identity of organizations, as well as their main function (advocacy or providing service), also shape their understanding of intersectional issues.

Identifications multiples à des groupes de statut différent et changement social

Le but de cette thèse est d'étudier l'impact d'une appartenance groupale jouissant d'un supérieur dans la hiérarchie sociale sur la volonté de participer à des actions collectives en faveur d'une appartenance groupale désavantagée. Selon la Théorie de l'Identité Sociale, les individus sont en effet membres de plusieurs groupes simultanément, qui constituent autant d'identités sociales potentielles. Comme l'ont montré les recherches en sociologie du genre s'inscrivant dans le courant intersectionnel, les diverses catégories sociales auxquelles une personne appartient peuvent se trouver dans des positions différentes dans la hiérarchie sociale, plaçant ainsi les individus à l'intersection de divers rapports de domination. Toutefois, ces rapports ne sont pas indépendants les uns des autres, mais interagissent et contribuent conjointement à construire une façon spécifique de vivre et de percevoir l'expérience de la domination. Globalement, notre thèse montre que lorsque deux endogroupes dotés de statuts différents sont simultanément saillants, les individus tendent à agir prioritairement en accord avec les intérêts de l'endogroupe dont le statut est le plus élevé, au détriment de l'endogroupe dont le statut est le plus bas : les individus tendent en effet à adhérer à des idéologies qui contribuent à légitimer le maintien des inégalités intergroupes, ce qui a pour conséquence de réduire leur volonté de participer à des actions collectives en faveur de leur endogroupe de statut inférieur. - This thesis focuses on the impact of a high status ingroup on willingness to participate in collective action in favour of a low status ingroup. According to Social Identity Theory, individuals are members of various groups, each of which is a potential social identity. Moreover, the feminist sociological theory of intersectionality suggests that these various ingroups can occupy different positions in social hierarchies, placing individuals at the intersection of various relations of domination. However, these relations do not act independently of one another, but interrelate, and shape a specific way to live and perceive the experiences of domination. On the whole, our thesis shows that when two ingroups with different statuses are salient, people tend to acts uppermost in compliance with the higher status group interest, to the detriment of the lower status group : Indeed, people tend to agree with ideologies that contribute to legitimate the perpetuation of intergroup inequalities. Consequently their willingness to participate in collective action in favor of their low-status group is reduced.