643 resultados para Ethics, Medieval.
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Originally presented as the author's thesis, Harvard.
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"Documenti" (in Latin): p. [145]-158, [i]-lxxxvi.
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La circulación hacia mediados del siglo XIII de los libri morales de Aristóteles transformó ampliamente la ética y el pensamiento político de la edad media. El conocimiento medieval de la filosofía moral aristotélica produjo un cambio cualitativo en diferentes temas de la filosofía práctica; como consecuencia de ello, a partir del siglo XIII, una parte importante de la teoría política tomó de Aristóteles el concepto de natura y muchos tratados se apoyaron en él y lo utilizaron para fundamentar el nacimiento del orden político que Aristóteles llamó polis, Tomás de Aquino civitas vel provincia y Juan de París communitas civitatis vel regni. Con todo, aunque el concepto aristotélico de natura fue relevante y aunque el modelo aristotélico logró inspirar a los autores de textos políticos medievales, la natura aristotélica no fue la única natura a la que recurrieron los textos políticos al momento de fundamentar teóricamente el surgimiento del orden político. El artículo analiza los diferentes conceptos de natura y reconstruye su lugar dentro de las explicaciones del nacimiento y constitución de las distintas variantes del orden político en la filosofía política medieval.
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In Navea, north of Spain, a medieval arch bridge shows a visible distortion (fig.1a). A stone falls down from the web of a gothic vault in a big parish church in Burgos (fig. 1b), and a voussoir falls down from the rib of another gothic vault in Oviedo (fig. 1c). An oval dome collapses in Zaragoza, though another four identical domes remain safe (fig. 1d). Sometimes the building has to support new, heavier loads. The ruin of the abandoned (since the 19th Century) monastery of Melón should be consolidated, some vaults are rebuilt and the visitors can walk over them. A Franciscan Convent is going to be turned into a Cultural Centre, the loads to be supported being multiplied by a factor of two. A little medieval bridge is asked to support the pass of heavy lorries. These are some of the cases I have studied in the last two decades, all of them referring to questions of structural safety. These are the kind of situations which often occurs in the field of Historic Structures. They require a study and an answer. This is no scholarly work (though in some cases new lines of future research will emerge). A judgement must be made by the expert and this judgement affects the safety and economy, in the last instance, of people. As there are rarely unique answers, the behaviour of the expert, then, can also be judged as "ethical", if he proposes an intervention that is necessary and adequate (or, recommends no intervention, judging the situation safe), or "non-ethical", if recommends an unnecessary or disproportionate intervention. In relation to the monument, also, the proposal can be judged ethically; any intervention damaging seriously the character of the monument may be labelled un-ethical.
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This study argues that Chaucer's poetry belongs to a far-reaching conversation about the forms of consolation (philosophical, theological, and poetic) that are available to human persons. Chaucer's entry point to this conversation was Boethius's Consolation of Philosophy, a sixth-century dialogue that tried to show how the Stoic ideals of autonomy and self-possession are not simply normative for human beings but remain within the grasp of every individual. Drawing on biblical commentary, consolation literature, and political theory, this study contends that Chaucer's interrogation of the moral and intellectual ideals of the Consolation took the form of philosophical disconsolations: scenes of profound poetic rupture in which a character, sometimes even Chaucer himself, turns to philosophy for solace and yet fails to be consoled. Indeed, philosophy itself becomes a source of despair. In staging these disconsolations, I contend that Chaucer asks his readers to consider the moral dimensions of the aspirations internal to ancient philosophy and the assumptions about the self that must be true if its insights are to console and instruct. For Chaucer, the self must be seen as a gift that flowers through reciprocity (both human and divine) and not as an object to be disciplined and regulated.
Chapter one focuses on the Consolation of Philosophy. I argue that recent attempts to characterize Chaucer's relationship to this text as skeptical fail to engage the Consolation on its own terms. The allegory of Lady Philosophy's revelation to a disconsolate Boethius enables philosophy to become both an agent and an object of inquiry. I argue that Boethius's initial skepticism about the pretentions of philosophy is in part what Philosophy's therapies are meant to respond to. The pressures that Chaucer's poetry exerts on the ideals of autonomy and self-possession sharpen one of the major absences of the Consolation: viz., the unanswered question of whether Philosophy's therapies have actually consoled Boethius. Chapter two considers one of the Consolation's fascinating and paradoxical afterlives: Robert Holcot's Postilla super librum sapientiae (1340-43). I argue that Holcot's Stoic conception of wisdom, a conception he explicitly links with Boethius's Consolation, relies on a model of agency that is strikingly similar to the powers of self-knowledge that Philosophy argues Boethius to posses. Chapter three examines Chaucer's fullest exploration of the Boethian model of selfhood and his ultimate rejection of it in Troilus and Criseyde. The poem, which Chaucer called his "tragedy," belonged to a genre of classical writing he knew of only from Philosophy's brief mention of it in the Consolation. Chaucer appropriates the genre to explore and recover mourning as a meaningful act. In Chapter four, I turn to Dante and the House of Fame to consider Chaucer's self-reflections about his ambitions as a poet and the demands of truth-telling.
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A pressing challenge for the study of animal ethics in early modern literature is the very breadth of the category “animal,” which occludes the distinct ecological and economic roles of different species. Understanding the significance of deer to a hunter as distinct from the meaning of swine for a London pork vendor requires a historical investigation into humans’ ecological and cultural relationships with individual animals. For the constituents of England’s agricultural networks – shepherds, butchers, fishwives, eaters at tables high and low – animals matter differently. While recent scholarship on food and animal ethics often emphasizes ecological reciprocation, I insist that this mutualism is always out of balance, both across and within species lines. Focusing on drama by William Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, and the anonymous authors of late medieval biblical plays, my research investigates how sixteenth-century theaters use food animals to mediate and negotiate the complexities of a changing meat economy. On the English stage, playwrights use food animals to impress the ethico-political implications of land enclosure, forest emparkment, the search for new fisheries, and air and water pollution from urban slaughterhouses and markets. Concurrent developments in animal husbandry and theatrical production in the period thus led to new ideas about emplacement, embodiment, and the ethics of interspecies interdependence.
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This article describes the Ethics and Citizenship Program, a moral education project developed by the Brazilian government to promote education in ethics and citizenship in Brazilian fundamental and middle schools through four key themes: ethics, democratic coexistence, human rights and social inclusion. Some findings from a research project that investigated whether such a program did in fact promote the ethical and citizenship awareness of participating students are outlined. As an introduction to the paper`s main concerns, the Brazilian socioeconomic context is characterised, followed by a description of the historical background of moral education in Brazil.
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At the end of Word War II, Soviet occupation forces removed countless art objects from German soil. Some of them were returned during the 1950s, but most either disappeared for good or were stored away secretly in cellars of Soviet museums. The Cold War then covered the issue with silence. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, museums in St Petersburg and Moscow started to exhibit some of the relocated art for the first time in half a century. The unusual quality of the paintings-mostly impressionist masterpieces-not only attracted the attention of the international art community, but also triggered a diplomatic row between Russia and Germany. Both governments advanced moral and legal claims to ownership. To make things even more complicated, many of the paintings once belonged to private collectors, some of whom were Jews. Their descendants also entered the dispute. The basic premise of this article is that the political and ethical dimensions of relocated art can be understood most adequately by eschewing a single authorial standpoint. Various positions, sometimes incommensurable ones, are thus explored in an attempt to outline possibilities for an ethics of representation and a dialogical solution to the international problem that relocated art has become.