982 resultados para Doctrine of being (1812)


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Ce mémoire est constitué d’une analyse du texte intitulé « Quel doit être le point de départ de la science ? » situé en ouverture de la Science de la logique. Partant de l’affirmation de Hegel selon laquelle le commencement de la Logique est inanalysable et indéfinissable, nous rapprochons la notion de définition de celle de spekulativer Satz et proposons d’étudier le concept de commencement en distinguant une perspective épistémologique d’une perspective ontologique. Cette distinction permettra de mettre en évidence la possibilité de définir le commencement d’une façon positive si l’on tient compte du choix (Entschluss) et de l’ordre qui émergent de l’abandon de la perspective épistémologique. Cette définition s’appuie sur la présence dans le texte d’un registre prescriptif et permet de rendre compte du fait que le commencement doit être à la fois absolu et unilatéral. Si la difficulté posée par cette définition demeure, c’est en raison de la nature même du commencement, où tout manque, même la stabilité d’une définition, sans pour autant que cette instabilité ne soit conforme au mouvement inhérent à la proposition spéculative.

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The history of war is blighted with astonishing reminders of man’s ability to cast his sense of humanity aside and inflict unspeakable harm upon one another. The ruthless bombing of Dresden, the callousness of the Nazi concentration camps and the massacre of the Tutsis are but a few of the atrocities that have haunted our past. In response to these atrocities, society has imposed an ever-increasing number of laws and rules to regulate warfare. Amongst these is the doctrine of command responsibility. The doctrine of command responsibility states that a commander is criminally liable for the crimes of his subordinates if he knew or should have known of their crimes. This paper will examine whether the doctrine is an appropriate and realistic legal standard to hold commanders accountable to or whether the doctrine is more a reflection of social sentiment and legal rhetoric. If the doctrine, and indeed the law of war in general, is unrealistic then the law cannot fulfil its purpose - that is, the prevention of atrocities. Instead of being solely a reflection of moral authority and social sentiments the law must also be a tool that guides and shapes the decisions and actions of the military through the chaotic and brutal nature of war...

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This article argues that it is time for the complete abolition of feudal tenure in Australian land law and its replacement with an allodial model better able to promote proprietary independence, equality and cultural neutrality. The article considers the questionable constitutional legitimacy of adopting strict feudal tenets in a territory already inhabited by indigenous occupants. It goes on to examine the various legitimation devices that the courts have utilised to sustain the feudal construct and the effect that Mabo has had upon feudal orthodoxy. In particular, the article outlines why post-Mabo tenure is incapable of embracing a pluralist land system; it is suggested that the Eurocentric character of feudal tenure and the structural impediments associated with the acceptance of a non-Crown title prevent it from ever being able to effectively integrate native title into the structure of property law. In light of this, the article argues that post-Mabo tenure lacks both legal and social legitimacy and the 'disinterested' perpetuation of this system must be brought to an end. The article argues that the time has well and truly come to replace feudal tenure with an allodial model based broadly on the system that has developed in the United States but with particularised adaptations. The removal of the Crown and its associated cultural assumptions from the land framework would, it is argued, allow land interests to develop according to their individual cultural origins. This would create a more responsive and balanced system better equipped to embrace the developments of contemporary common law jurisprudence.