941 resultados para Development Underdevelopment Nation State
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After a review of the concept of economic growth as a historical process beginning with the capitalist revolution and the formation of the modern national states, the author claims that growth is almost invariably the outcome of a national development strategy. Effective economic development occurs historically when the different social classes are able to cooperate and formulate an effective strategy to promote growth and face international competition. It follows a discussion of the main characteristics and of the basic tensions that such strategies face in the central countries which first developed, and in the underdeveloped countries, which, besides their domestic problems, confront major challenges in their relations with the rich countries.
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Uma Anlise do Conceito de Desenvolvimento Econmico. o Crescimento Econmico, ou Desenvolvimento Econmico, Visto como um Fenmeno Histrico como Resultado da Revoluo Capitalista, E, Consequentemente, da Revoluo Comercial, da Industrial E, no Meio Delas, da Revoluo Nacional. Assim, Necessrio um Conceito Histrico de Crescimento Econmico, e no um Conceito Normativo. Visto sob este Aspecto, o Desenvolvimento Econmico Intrinsecamente Relacionado ao Surgimento do Estado-Nao Moderno. o Produto de Naes Usando o Estado como Ferramenta de Ao Coletiva para Alcanar o Crescimento Econmico. Mas Desenvolvimento e Crescimento Econmicos no so Diferentes? o Autor Argumenta que Historicamente Eles no So, se a Distino Feita com Base na Distribuio ou Concentrao de Renda: Desenvolvimento Econmico Frequentemente Acompanhado por um Aumento da Desigualdade. Diferente se Definirmos Crescimento como no Envolvendo Mudanas Econmicas Estruturais, Mas, Historicamente Isto Quase Impossvel. este Paper Procura Mostra Que, Apesar do Desenvolvimento Econmico no ser o nico Objetivo Poltico das Naes, um dos Principais: os Outros Objetivos so Segurana, Liberdade, Justia Social e Proteo ao Meio-Ambiente. o Desenvolvimento Econmico no Pode Solucionar Esses Problemas.
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Ofrece una gua prctica para ensear este tema a los estudiantes del nivel A2 para la especificacin OCR. Explica la evolucin de Francia durante el Renacimiento y la Reforma y se centra en la creacin del estado-nacin francs durante este perodo. Incluye una seleccin y definicin de los temas, conceptos, acontecimientos y lugares considerados ms importantes, as como breves biografas de personajes clave y consejos para los exmenes.
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Les missions Petersberg sn l'operatiu militar ms ambicis organitzat per la Uni Europea en el desenvolupament de la CSDP, Poltica Europea de Seguretat i Defensa. Amb l'objectiu d'aconseguir una organitzaci efectiva y funcional d'aquestes missions, s desitjable que les cultures estratgiques dels diferents Estats membres siguin, en gran mesura, compatibles en benefici d'una cultura estratgica europea amb directrius clares. Aquest estudi compara les cultures estratgiques d'Alemanya, el Regne Unit i Frana en referncia al seu nivell de compatibilitat contrastant-les amb dos casos recents, exemples paradigmtics de cultures estratgiques integrals. D'aquesta manera, pretenem descriure les circumstncies en qu es desenvolupen les missions Petersberg.
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Globalization and nation-states are not in contradiction, since globalization is the present stage of capitalist development, and the nation-state is the territorial political unit that organizes the space and population in the capitalist system. Since the 1980s, Global Capitalism constitutes the economic system characterized by the opening of all national markets and a fierce competition between nation-states. Developing countries tend to catch up, while rich countries try to neutralize such competitive effort, using globalism as an ideology, and conventional orthodoxy as a strategy. Middle-income countries that are catching up in the realm of globalization are the ones that count with a national development strategy. This is broadly the case of the dynamic Asian countries. In contrast, Latin American countries have no longer their own strategy, and grow less. To add data to the argument, the author conducts an econometric test comparing these two groups of countries, and three variables: the rate of investment, the current account deficit or surplus that would indicate or not a competitive exchange rate, and public deficit.
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Manpower is a basic resource. It is the indispensable means of converting other resources to mankind '.s use and benefit. As a process of increasing the knowledge, skills, and dexterity of the people of a society, manpower development is the most fundamental means of enabling a nation to acquire the capacities to bring about its desired future state of affairs -- a more mighty and wealthier nation. Singapore's brief nation-building history justifies the emphasis accorded to the importance of good quality human resources and manpower development in economic and socio-political developments. As a tiny island-state with a poor natural resource base, Singapore's long-term survival and development depend ultimately upon the quality and the creative energy of her people. In line with the nation-building goals and strategies of the Republic, as conditioned by her objective setting, Singapore's basic manpower development premise has been one of "quality and not quantity". While implementing the "stop-at-two" family planning and population control programs and the relevant immigration measures to guard against the prospect of a "population explosion", the Government has energetically fostered various educational programs, including vocational training schemes, adult education programs, the youth movement, and the national service scheme to improve the quality of Singaporeans. There is no denying that some of the manpower development measures taken by the Government have imposed sacrifice and hardship on the Singapore citizens. Nevertheless, they are the basic conditions for the island-Republic's long-term survival and development. It is essential iii to note that Singapore's continuing existence and phenomenal-success are largely attributable to the will, capacities and efforts of her leaders and people. In the final analysis, the wealth and the strength of a nation are based upon its ability to conserve, develop and utilize effectively the innate capacities of its people. This is true not only of Singapore but necessarily of other developing nations. It can be safely presumed that since most developing states' concerns about the quality of their human resources and the progress of their nation-building work are inextricably bound to those about the quantity of their population, the "quality and not quantity" motto of Singapore's manpower development programs can also be their guiding principle.
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IntroductionToday, many countries, regardless of developed or developing, are trying to promote decentralization. According to Manor, as his quoting of Nicksons argument, decentralization stems from the necessity to strengthen local governments as proxy of civil society to fill the yawning gap between the state and civil society (Manor [1999]: 30). With the end to the Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union rendering the cause of the leadership of the central government to counter communism meaningless, Manor points out, it has become increasingly difficult to respond flexibly to changes in society under the centralized system. Then, what benefits can be expected from the effectuation of decentralization? Litvack-Ahmad-Bird cited the four points: attainment of allocative efficiency in the face of different local preferences for local public goods; improvement to government competitiveness; realization of good governance; and enhancement of the legitimacy and sustainability of heterogeneous national states (Litvack, Ahmad & Bird [1998]: 5). They all contribute to reducing the economic and social costs of a central government unable to respond to changes in society and enhancing the efficiency of state administration through the delegation of authority to local governments. Why did Indonesia have a go at decentralization? As Maryanov recognizes, reasons for the implementation of decentralization in Indonesia have never been explicitly presented (Maryanov [1958]: 17). But there was strong momentum toward building a democratic state in Indonesia at the time of independence, and as indicated by provisions of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, there was the tendency in Indonesia from the beginning to debate decentralization in association with democratization. That said debate about democratization was fairly abstract and the main points are to ease the tensions, quiet the complaints, satisfy the political forces and thus stabilize the process of government (Maryanov [1958]: 26-27). What triggered decentralization in Indonesia in earnest, of course, was the collapse of the Soeharto regime in May 1998. The Soeharto regime, regarded as the epitome of the centralization of power, became incapable of effectively dealing with problems in administration of the state and development administration. Besides, the post-Soeharto era of reform (reformasi) demanded the complete wipeout of the Soeharto image. In contraposition to the centralization of power was decentralization. The Soeharto regime that ruled Indonesia for 32 years was established in 1966 under the banner of anti-communism. The end of the Cold War structure in the late 1980s undermined the legitimate reason the centralization of power to counter communism claimed by the Soeharto regime. The factor for decentralization cited by Manor is applicable here. Decentralization can be interpreted to mean not only the reversal of the centralized system of government due to its inability to respond to changes in society, as Manor points out, but also the participation of local governments in the process of the nation state building through the more positive transfer of power (democratic decentralization) and in the coordinated pursuit with the central government for a new shape of the state. However, it is also true that a variety of problems are gushing out in the process of implementing decentralization in Indonesia. This paper discusses the relationship between decentralization and the formation of the nation state with the awareness of the problems and issues described above. Section 1 retraces the history of decentralization by examining laws and regulations for local administration and how they were actually implemented or not. Section 2 focuses on the relationships among the central government, local governments, foreign companies and other actors in the play over the distribution of profits from exploitation of natural resources, and examines the process of the ulterior motives of these actors and the amplification of mistrust spawning intense conflicts that, in extreme cases, grew into separation and independence movements. Section 3 considers the merits and demerits at this stage of decentralization implemented since 2001 and shed light on the significance of decentralization in terms of the nation state building. Finally, Section 4 attempts to review decentralization as the opportunity to learn by doing for the central and local governments in the process of the nation state building. In the context of decentralization in Indonesia, deconcentration (dekonsentrasi), decentralization (desentralisasi) and support assignments (tugas pembantuan; medebewind, a Dutch word, was used previously) are defined as follows. Dekonsentrasi means that when the central government puts a local office of its own, or an outpost agency, in charge of implementing its service without delegating the administrative authority over this particular service. The outpost agency carries out the services as instructed by the central government. A head of a local government, when acting for the central government, gets involved in the process of dekonsentrasi. Desentralisasi, meanwhile, occurs when the central government cedes the administrative authority over a particular service to local governments. Under desentralisasi, local governments can undertake the particular service at their own discretion, and the central government, after the delegation of authority, cannot interfere with how local governments handle that service. Tugas pembantuan occur when the central government makes local governments or villages, or local governments make villages, undertake a particular service. In this case, the central government, or local governments, provides funding, equipment and materials necessary, and officials of local governments and villages undertake the service under the supervision and guidance of the central or local governments. Tugas pembantuan are maintained until local governments and villages become capable of undertaking that particular service on their own.
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Paul Hirst
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Mmoire numris par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Universit de Montral
Compilation of documents for the development of a state of art of the investigation of perdurability
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A travs del estudio y la investigacin basados en bibliografa de diversas nacionalidades que data desde la dcada de los setenta hasta la actualidad, ha sido posible analizar la tendencia acadmica de las investigaciones acerca la Perdurabilidad. Esta recoleccin de estudios es una fuente de informacin para todos aquellos que deseen tener un entendimiento ms profundo acerca de la teora que sostiene el concepto de Perdurabilidad. A lo largo de esta investigacin, el lector encontrar un conjunto de varios autores de distintas nacionalidades que abordaron el tema de la Perdurabilidad bajo alguna de sus concepciones (longevidad, resistencia, supervivencia); lo que permite tener una visin ms amplia acerca de la importancia de ciertos estudios de acuerdo a su origen y contexto cultural. Es importante resaltar que esta investigacin es netamente terica con el propsito de aclarar el concepto de Perdurabilidad y facilitar futuras investigaciones acerca de este tema
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This paper deconstructs the relationship between the Environmental Sustainability Index (ESI) and national income. The ESI attempts to provide a single figure which encapsulates environmental sustainability' for each country included in the analysis, and this allied with a 'league table' format so as to name and shame bad performers, has resulted in widespread reporting within the popular presses of a number of countries. In essence, the higher the value of the ESI then the more 'environmentally sustainable' a country is deemed to be. A logical progression beyond the use of the ESI to publicise environmental sustainability is its use within a more analytical context. Thus an index designed to simplify in order to have an impact on policy is used to try and understand causes of good and bad performance in environmental sustainability. For example the creators of the ESI claim that ESI is related to GDP/capita (adjusted for Purchasing Power Parity) such that the ESI increases linearly with wealth. While this may in a sense be a comforting picture, do the variables within the ESI allow for alternatives to the story, and if they do then what are the repercussions for those producing such indices for broad consumption amongst the policy makers, mangers, the press, etc.? The latter point is especially important given the appetite for such indices amongst non-specialists, and for all their weaknesses the ESI and other such aggregated indices will not go away. (C) 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.