143 resultados para Deception


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A classical application of biosignal analysis has been the psychophysiological detection of deception, also known as the polygraph test, which is currently a part of standard practices of law enforcement agencies and several other institutions worldwide. Although its validity is far from gathering consensus, the underlying psychophysiological principles are still an interesting add-on for more informal applications. In this paper we present an experimental off-the-person hardware setup, propose a set of feature extraction criteria and provide a comparison of two classification approaches, targeting the detection of deception in the context of a role-playing interactive multimedia environment. Our work is primarily targeted at recreational use in the context of a science exhibition, where the main goal is to present basic concepts related with knowledge discovery, biosignal analysis and psychophysiology in an educational way, using techniques that are simple enough to be understood by children of different ages. Nonetheless, this setting will also allow us to build a significant data corpus, annotated with ground-truth information, and collected with non-intrusive sensors, enabling more advanced research on the topic. Experimental results have shown interesting findings and provided useful guidelines for future work. Pattern Recognition

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This paper reconsiders the evidence on lying or deception presented in Gneezy (2005,American Economic Review). We argue that Gneezy?s data cannot reject the hipótesis that people are one of two kinds: either a person will never lie, or a person will lie whenever she prefers the outcome obtained by lying over the outcome obtained by telling the truth. This implies that so long as lying induces a preferred outcome over truth-telling, a person?s decisión of whether to lie may be completely insensitive to other changes in the induced outcomes, such as exactly how much she monetarily gains relative to how much she hurts an anonymous partner. We run new but similar experiments to those of Gneezy in order to test this hypothesis. We find that our data cannot reject this hypothesis either, but we also discover substantial differences in behavior between our sub jects and Gneezy?s sub jects.

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We provide experimental evidence on the ability to detect deceit in a buyer-seller game with asymmetric information. Sellers have private information about the buyer's valuation of a good and sometimes have incentives to mislead buyers. We examine if buyers can spot deception in face-to-face encounters. We vary (1) whether or not the buyer can interrogate the seller, and (2) the contextual richness of the situation. We find that the buyers' prediction accuracy is above chance levels, and that interrogation and contextual richness are important factors determining the accuracy. These results show that there are circumstances in which part of the information asymmetry is eliminated by people's ability to spot deception.

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Résumé : La production de nectar assure aux plantes entomophiles un important succès reproducteur. Malgré cela, de nombreuses espèces d'orchidées ne produisent pas de nectar. La majorité de ces orchidées dites trompeuses exploitent simplement l'instinct des pollinisateurs généralistes, qui les pousse à chercher du nectar dans les fleurs. Afin d'optimiser la récolte de nectar, les pollinisateurs apprennent à différencier les fleurs trompeuses des nectarifères, et à concentrer leurs visites sur ces dernières, au détriment des plantes trompeuses. Chez les orchidées non autogames, la reproduction est assurée uniquement par les pollinisateurs. L'apprentissage des pollinisateurs a donc un impact négatif sur la reproduction des orchidées trompeuses. Cependant, les caractéristiques d'une espèce trompeuse et des espèces nectarifères au sein d'une communauté végétale peuvent affecter l'apprentissage et le taux de visite des pollinisateurs aux plantes trompeuses. J'ai réalisé des expériences en milieu naturel et en milieu contrôlé, pour déterminer si les caractéristiques florales, spatiales et temporelles des communautés affectent le taux de visite et le succès reproducteur de plantes trompeuses. Une agrégation spatiale élevée des plantes trompeuses et des plantes nectarifères diminue le succès reproducteur des plantes trompeuses. De plus, les pollinisateurs visitent plus souvent l'espèce trompeuse Iorsque ses fleurs sont de couleur similaire à celles de l'espèce nectarifère. Cet effet bénéfique de la similarité pour la couleur des fleurs s'accentue si les deux espèces sont mélangées et proches spatialement, ou si l'espèce trompeuse fleurit après l'espèce nectarifère. Enfin, le comportement des pollinisateurs n'est pas tout de suite affecté lorsque les caractéristiques de la communauté changent. Les caractéristiques des communautés végétales affectent donc la reproduction des espèces trompeuses. Bien que L'absence de coûts associés à la production de nectar, l'exportation efficace de pollen et la production de graines de qualité dont bénéficient les orchidées trompeuses favorisent Ieur maintien, les caractéristiques de la communauté peuvent aussi y contribuer. Mon étude fournit donc une explication alternative et complémentaire au maintien des orchidées trompeuses. Je conclus par une discussion des implications possibles de ces résultats sur le maintien et l'évolution des orchidées trompeuses, en tenant compte de la dynamique des caractéristiques des communautés végétales naturelles. Abstract : Despite the importance of producing food to ensure a high reproductive success, many orchid species lack such rewards. The majority of deceptive orchids simply exploit the instinctive food-foraging behaviour of generalist pollinators. This strategy is termed generalized food deception. To optimize their foraging efficiency, pollinators can learn to discriminate deceptive from rewarding flowers and to focus their visits to the rewarding plants, to the disadvantage of the deceptive plants. Because the reproductive success of non-autogamous orchids entirely relies on pollinator visitation rate, pollinator learning decreases the reproductive success of deceptive orchids. However, the characteristics of deceptive and rewarding plants within a community may affect pollinator learning and visitation rate to a deceptive orchid. Therefore, the biological characteristics of natural plant communities may be crucial to the maintenance of generalized food deceptive orchids. My study focused on the floral, spatial and temporal characteristics of plant communities. I used both in and ex sitar experiments to investigate whether these characteristics influence pollinator visitation rates and the reproductive success of deceptive orchids. A high spatial aggregation of both deceptive and rewarding species decreased the reproductive success of the deceptive species. Also, being of similar flower colour to rewarding sympatric species increased pollinator visitation rates to a deceptive species. The beneficial effect of flower colour similarity was even more pronounced when both species were spatially closely mingled or when the deceptive species flowered after the rewarding species. Finally, pollinator behaviour was unaffected in the short term by a change in the characteristics of plant communities, indicating that pollinators need time to learn under new conditions. Thus, the characteristics of plant communities may crucially affect the reproductive success of deceptive orchids. Although the absence of costs associated with nectar production, the efficient pollen export and the high seed quality of deceptive orchids may favour their maintenance, the characteristics of plant communities may also contribute to it. Therefore, my study provides an alternative yet complementary explanation to the maintenance of generalized food deceptive orchids in natural populations. I discuss the possible implications for the maintenance and the evolution of generalized food deceptive orchids with regards to the floral and temporal dynamics of natural plant communities.

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In the philosophical literature, self-deception is mainly approached through the analysis of paradoxes. Yet, it is agreed that self-deception is motivated by protection from distress. In this paper, we argue, with the help of findings from cognitive neuroscience and psychology, that self-deception is a type of affective coping. First, we criticize the main solutions to the paradoxes of self-deception. We then present a new approach to self-deception. Self-deception, we argue, involves three appraisals of the distressing evidence: (a) appraisal of the strength of evidence as uncertain, (b) low coping potential and (c) negative anticipation along the lines of Damasio's somatic marker hypothesis. At the same time, desire impacts the treatment of flattering evidence via dopamine. Our main proposal is that self-deception involves emotional mechanisms provoking a preference for immediate reward despite possible long-term negative repercussions. In the last part, we use this emotional model to revisit the philosophical paradoxes.

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I assess Tamar Gendler's (2007) account of self-deception according to which its characteristic state is not belief, but imaginative pretense. After giving an overview of the literature and presenting the conceptual puzzles engendered by the notion of self-deception, I introduce Gendler's account, which emerges as a rival to practically all extant accounts of self-deception. I object to it by first arguing that her argument for abandoning belief as the characteristic state of self-deception conflates the state of belief and the process of belief-formation when interpreting David Velleman's (2000) thesis that belief is an essentially truth-directed attitude. I then call attention to the fact that Velleman's argument for the identity of motivational role between belief and imagining, on which Gendler's argument for self-deception as pretense depends, conflates two senses of 'motivational role'-a stronger but implausible sense and a weaker but explanatorily irrelevant sense. Finally, I introduce Neil Van Leeuwen's (2009) argument to the effect that belief is the practical ground of all non-belief cognitive attitudes in circum-stances wherein the latter prompt action. I apply this framework to Gendler's account to ultimately show that imaginative pretense fails to explain the existence of voluntary actions which result from self-deception.

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In 1973, Kathleen Pearson offered a pivotal first step into understanding deception in competitive sport and its many intricacies. However, the analysis falls short of truly deciphering this widespread phenomenon. By creating a taxonomy based on Torres (2000) understanding of various types of skills in an athletic contest, a wider array of deceptive practices are encompassed. Once the taxonomy is put forth, weighing the categories against the three-pronged ethical permissibility test established utilizing elements from formalism, conventionalism and broad internalism sheds lights on what deceptive practices should be deemed ethically permissible for use and which tactics should not be a part of an athlete’s repertoire. By understanding which categories of deception are permissible, the most fair and athletically excellent contest can be created between the opposing players of teams.

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The way in which individuals seek romantic partners has changed considerably in the past decades, most notably through online dating sites (ODSs). Despite the possibility of misrepresentation amongst client users, such sites continue to grow in popularity because ODSs provide a large pool from which individuals can select and attract potential partners. While much research has been undertaken on ODSs, little empirical research has examined postsecondary students’ use of ODSs. Therefore, this study sought to investigate why postsecondary students have become involved with and how they present themselves on ODSs. The researcher surveyed 20 postsecondary students and conducted in-depth interviews with 2 participants who use ODSs. Although the limited sample prevented results from being generalized, quantitative and qualitative analyses suggest that participants became involved with ODSs for various purposes, such as seeking long-term relationships and/or marriage partners, or simply exploring or visiting ODSs out of curiosity. Findings indicate that ODS users’ physical appearance and/or “attractiveness” is considered the strongest predictor of relationship success. The study discusses how participants’ self-presentation affects outcomes of ODS usage, particularly when negative self-identification and presentation corresponding to factors such as individuals’ weight and age are taken into account.

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Deception-detection is the crux of Turing’s experiment to examine machine thinking conveyed through a capacity to respond with sustained and satisfactory answers to unrestricted questions put by a human interrogator. However, in 60 years to the month since the publication of Computing Machinery and Intelligence little agreement exists for a canonical format for Turing’s textual game of imitation, deception and machine intelligence. This research raises from the trapped mine of philosophical claims, counter-claims and rebuttals Turing’s own distinct five minutes question-answer imitation game, which he envisioned practicalised in two different ways: a) A two-participant, interrogator-witness viva voce, b) A three-participant, comparison of a machine with a human both questioned simultaneously by a human interrogator. Using Loebner’s 18th Prize for Artificial Intelligence contest, and Colby et al.’s 1972 transcript analysis paradigm, this research practicalised Turing’s imitation game with over 400 human participants and 13 machines across three original experiments. Results show that, at the current state of technology, a deception rate of 8.33% was achieved by machines in 60 human-machine simultaneous comparison tests. Results also show more than 1 in 3 Reviewers succumbed to hidden interlocutor misidentification after reading transcripts from experiment 2. Deception-detection is essential to uncover the increasing number of malfeasant programmes, such as CyberLover, developed to steal identity and financially defraud users in chatrooms across the Internet. Practicalising Turing’s two tests can assist in understanding natural dialogue and mitigate the risk from cybercrime.

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Lying to participants offers an experimenter the enticing prospect of making “others' behaviour” a controlled variable, but is eschewed by experimental economists because it may pollute the pool of subjects. This paper proposes and implements a new experimental design, the Conditional Information Lottery, which offers all the benefits of deception without actually deceiving anyone. The design should be suitable for most economics experiments, and works by a modification of an already standard device, the Random Lottery incentive system. The deceptive scenarios of designs which use deceit are replaced with fictitious scenarios, each of which, from a subject's viewpoint, has a chance of being true. The design is implemented in a sequential play public good experiment prompted by Weimann's (1994) result, from a deceptive design, that subjects are more sensitive to freeriding than cooperation on the part of others. The experiment provides similar results to Weimann's, in that subjects are at least as cooperative when uninformed about others' behaviour as they are if reacting to high contributions. No deception is used and the data cohere well both internally and with other public goods experiments. In addition, simultaneous play is found to be more efficient than sequential play, and subjects contribute less at the end of a sequence than at the start. The results suggest pronounced elements of overconfidence, egoism and (biased) reciprocity in behaviour, which may explain decay in contributions in repeated play designs. The experiment shows there is a workable alternative to deception.

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The aim of this paper is to shed light on euphemism in two different senses: sweet talking and deception. I shall treat euphemism from two different perspectives: the usual use of euphemism, sweet talking, in which it is used to maintain one's face and the orthophemistic sense, deception, where 'torture' is referred to as "enhanced interrogation techniques". I shall analyze examples, taken from religious, cultural, political backgrounds, on each case. Moreover, I shall talk about taboo since it is usually associated with euphemism. I shall talk about the referential (semantic) and expletive (pragmatic) aspects of swearing expressions. In this essay, I shall show that euphemism can be used in two different senses: sweet talking and deception.