Collective agreements on time and motion study;

Mode of access: Internet.

Collective Voluntary Agreements and the Production of Less Polluting Products

Recently, some industries have collectively agreed not to produce models that do not meet an energy efficiency (and hence an environmental) standard. This paper presents a simple model that can be used to examine a voluntary collective agreement to limit or completely eliminate the low efficiency model of a given product (e.g., a low efficiency washing machine). We show that, when there is competition between firms, a collective agreement to limit or even eliminate production of the polluting model can actually increase profits for all firms in the industry. This suggests that a collective agreement of this type might actually be beneficial to firms, while at the same time improving environmental quality. However, the implicit enforcement that comes from the public nature of the commitment is necessary to ensure this outcome. This suggests that, by promoting such agreements, policymakers may be able to achieve substantial environmental gains with relatively little inducement. The impact on social welfare will then depend on whether these gains are sufficiently large to offset consumer losses from reductions in product variety and the associated price increases.

Collective redundancies in the State of California of the United States and in the Republic of Finland. Procedures and Provisions

Video games industry has recently bonded California and Finland in a new way and where the employers are recruiting they also need to be aware of the provisions and procedures related to terminations. In general, collective dismissals are on a relatively high level both in Finland and in California. In California, collective redundancies are regulated under the WARN law. The WARN obligates employers with 75 or more employees to give a 60-day notice prior to a mass lay off and some other similar events. Employers with less than 75 employees are free to administer the terminations without the WARN notice period. Generally, the California at-will presumption allows employment relationship to be terminated any day with or without reason and without notice period if conditions of collective agreements or employment contract do not limit this right. Termination cannot anyhow be in violation of the anti-discrimination law. In Finland the termination related provisions are part of the Employment Contracts Act and the Act on Co-operation within Undertakings. Collective redundancies are allowed under financial and production related grounds. Small employers with less than 20 employees follow the termination provisions of the Employment Contracts Act and are obligated to inform the employee to be terminated on the details of the termination itself and also the services of the Employment and Economic Development Office. Employers with 20 or more employees are to initiate co-operation procedure under the Act on Co-operation within Undertakings when reducing personnel. The co- operation negotiations are to inform employees on the employer’s plans and financial situation as well as to involve them in the decision making regarding the terminations. The employer’s duty to inform the employees of the services of Employment and Economic Development Office needs to be fulfilled also in terminations under the co-operation procedure. Discrimination is prohibited in Finland in terminations of employment. As an alternative for terminations, employees can for example be transferred to another position or be temporarily laid off. Employer’s duties related to search of alternatives for layoff are broader in Finland than in California. The recent development of the labor laws in Finland and in California suggests that the labor law is not static in either one of these environments but changes can be expected as the needs of the business life so require.

Collective Labour Agreement between the Public Utilities Commission of the City of St. Catharines and Local 556, The International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, 1952

In 1952, Local 556 of The International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers negotiated a contract with The Public Utilities Commission of the City of St. Catharines. The contract was to be in effect from July 1952 to September 1953. The document is unsigned.

La convention collective : un instrument de responsabilité sociale des entreprises

La responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE) est un concept qui fait référence au volontariat, sans définition unique, et visant la prise en compte des intérêts des parties prenantes de l’entreprise. Pour celle-ci, les caractéristiques communes à ces différentes définitions est d’établir des balises allant au-delà de ce que la loi fixe comme règle. Pour mettre en oeuvre la RSE, plusieurs outils sont utilisés, le code de conduite étant le plus répandu. Quant aux multiples parties prenantes de l’organisation, celle des travailleurs ne semble pas invitée à participer aux décisions de l’entreprise en matière de RSE, malgré les intérêts importants que les travailleurs et le syndicat peuvent posséder auprès de cette dernière. Notre recherche porte sur la convention collective en tant qu’outil de responsabilité sociale des entreprises. Nous nous intéressons à savoir si cet outil traditionnel en relations du travail pourrait être utilisé, tout comme un code de conduite, pour stimuler la participation des syndicale aux décisions de l’entreprise. À l’aide du Portrait statistique des conventions collectives analysées au Québec en 2006, nous avons validé la fréquence, le sujet ainsi que le niveau de participation syndicale dans les comités conjoints conventionnés en comparant les entreprises dites RSE et non RSE. Il s’est avéré qu’il n’y a pas plus de participation syndicale indiquée dans les conventions collectives d’entreprises RSE que dans celles non RSE. Cependant, notre analyse précise que deux outils RSE autres que le code de conduite adoptés par l’entreprise coïncident avec la participation syndicale, soit la signature d’un accord-cadre international et la participation au Pacte Mondial de l’ONU.

Collective bargaining in Brazilian manufacturing, 1978-95

Collective bargaining, it is widely claimed, has been on the increase in Brazil since the late 1970s. This is seen as part of a broader change in Brazilian industrial relations towards a hybrid system of interest representation, in which elements of both the old state corporatism and pluralism now coexist. However, there is little or no systematic empirical evidence available to support this conclusion. This thesis addresses the question of the strengthening of collective bargaining as a method of job regulation in Brazil by providing a detailed empirical study. The questions of this study are: (a) how important has collective bargaining become in establishing provisions on the terms and conditions of the employment relationship which are not simply reproducing rules established via state regulation?; and (b) what factors accounted for changes in the content of these provisions? An analysis of 10,734 provisions in 287 collective agreements in manufacturing industries in the Metropolitan Area of Porto Alegre, the capital of the southernmost state of Rio Grande do Sul, was carried out for the period of 1978-95. This analysis offers support for the thesis that the significance of collective bargaining has increased. It shows that: (a) most substantive provisions created rules that were not established in other forms of regulation; (b) provisions that replicate the contents of regulatory legislation accounted for one out of seven substantive provisions, but in spite of being a copy of the law, these provisions are not entirely neutral for job regulation; (c) collective agreements also laid down substantive provisions benefiting employers, and not simply employees; and (d) the pace of change in bargaining outcomes oscillated with changes in the economic, legal and judicial contexts. This pace of change was mostly affected by (i) the rate of unemployment, (ii) the degree of openness of the economy to foreign competition, (iii) the capacity of employers to pass on costs to costumers, (iv) stabilisation policies aimed at curbing inflation, (v) the Federal Constitution made in 1988, (vi) the official rate of minimum wages, and (vii) the conduct of the labour judicial system in settling collective disputes.

Unit 3: Collective Bargaining

Versión en inglés de la lección 3ª y materiales complementarios (diapositivas Pwp y cuestionario) correspondientes a la asignatura Derecho del Trabajo I (grupo ARA) del Grado en Derecho.

Stability property of matchings is a natural solution concept in coalitional market games

Stability of matchings was proved to be a new cooperative equilibrium concept in Sotomayor (Dynamics and equilibrium: essays in honor to D. Gale, 1992). That paper introduces the innovation of treating as multi-dimensional the payoff of a player with a quota greater than one. This is done for the many-to-many matching model with additively separable utilities, for which the stability concept is defined. It is then proved, via linear programming, that the set of stable outcomes is nonempty and it may be strictly bigger than the set of dual solutions and strictly smaller than the core. The present paper defines a general concept of stability and shows that this concept is a natural solution concept, stronger than the core concept, for a much more general coalitional game than a matching game. Instead of mutual agreements inside partnerships, the players are allowed to make collective agreements inside coalitions of any size and to distribute his labor among them. A collective agreement determines the level of labor at which the coalition operates and the division, among its members, of the income generated by the coalition. An allocation specifies a set of collective agreements for each player.

The Finnish Paper Workers' Union at a crossroads: Labor union representativeness in a changing environment, 1980-2008

This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles refer to the changes in the representativeness of the Finnish Paper Workers' Union. Representativeness stands for the entire entity of external, internal, legal and reputational factors that enable the labor union to represent its members and achieve its goals. This concept is based on an extensive reading of quantitative and qualitative industrial relations literature, which includes works based on Marxist labor-capital relations (such as Hyman's industrial relations studies), and more recent union density studies as well as gender- and ethnic diversity-based 'union revitalization' studies. Müller-Jentsch's German studies of industrial relations have been of particular importance as well as Streeck's industrial unionism and technology studies. The concept of representativeness is an attempt to combine the insights of these diverse strands of literature and bring the scientific discussion of labor unions back to the core of a union's function: representing its members. As such, it can be seen as a theoretical innovation. The concept helps to acknowledge both the heterogeneity of the membership and the totality of a labor union organization. The concept of representativeness aims to move beyond notions of 'power'. External representativeness can be expressed through the position of the labor union in the industrial relations system and the economy. Internal representativeness focuses on the aspects of labor unions that relate to the function of the union as an association with members, such as internal democracy. Legal representativeness lies in the formal legal position of the union – its rights and instruments. This includes collective bargaining legislation, co-decision rules and industrial conflict legislation. Reputational representativeness is related to how the union is seen by other actors and the general public, and can be approximated using data on strike activity. All these aspects of representativeness are path-dependent, and show the results of previous struggles over issues. The concept of representativeness goes beyond notions of labor union power and symbolizes an attempt to bring back the focus of industrial relations studies to the union's basic function of representing its members. The first article shows in detail the industrial conflict of the Finnish paper industry in 2005. The intended focus was the issue of gender in the negotiations over a new collective agreement, but the focal point of the industrial conflict was the issue of outsourcing and how this should be organized. Also, the issue of continuous shifts as an issue of working time was very important. The drawn-out conflict can be seen as a struggle over principles, and under pressure the labor union had to concede ground on the aforementioned issues. The article concludes that in this specific conflict, the union represented its' female members to a lesser extent, because the other issues took such priority. Furthermore, because of the substantive concessions. the union lost some of its internal representativeness, and the stubbornness of the union may have even harmed the reputation of the union. This article also includes an early version of the representativeness framework, through which this conflict is analyzed. The second article discusses wage developments, union density and collective bargaining within the context of representativeness. It is shown that the union has been able to secure substantial benefits for its members, regardless of declining employment. Collective agreements have often been based on centralized incomes policies, but the paper sector has not always joined these. Attention is furthermore paid to the changing competition of the General Assembly, with a surprisingly strong position of the Left Alliance still. In an attempt to replicate analysis of union density measures, an analysis of sectoral union density shows that similar factors as in aggregate data influence this measure, though – due to methodological issues – the results may not be robust. On this issue, it can be said that the method of analysis for aggregate union density is not suitable for sectoral union density analysis. The increasingly conflict-ridden industrial relations predicted have not actually materialized. The article concludes by asking whether the aim of ever-increasing wages is a sustainable one in the light of the pressures of globalization, though wage costs are a relatively small part of total costs. The third article discusses the history and use of outsourcing in the Finnish paper industry. It is shown using Hyman's framework of constituencies that over time, the perspective of the union changed from 'members of the Paper Workers' Union' to a more specific view of who is a core member of the union. Within the context of the industrial unionism that the union claims to practice, this is an important change. The article shows that the union more and more caters for a core group, while auxiliary personnel is less important to the union's identity and constituencies, which means that the union's internal representativeness has decreased. Maintenance workers are an exception; the union and employers have developed a rotating system that increases the efficient allocation of these employees. The core reason of the exceptional status of maintenance personnel is their high level of non-transferable skills. In the end it is debatable whether the compromise on outsourcing solves the challenges facing the industry. The fourth article shows diverging discourses within the union with regard to union-employer partnership for competitiveness improvements and instruments of local union representatives. In the collective agreement of 2008, the provision regulating wage effects of significant changes in the organization or content of work was thoroughly changed, though this mainly reflected decisions by the Labor Court on the pre-2008 version of the provision. This change laid bare the deep rift between the Social Democratic and Left Alliance (ex-Communist) factions of the union. The article argues that through the changed legal meaning of the provision, the union was able to transform concession bargaining into a basis for partnership. The internal discontent about this issue is nonetheless substantial and a threat to the unity of the union, both locally and at the union level. On the basis of the results of the articles, other factors influencing representativeness, such as technology and EU law and an overview of the main changes in the Finnish paper industry, it is concluded that, especially in recent years, the Finnish Paper Workers' Union has lost some of its representativeness. In particular, the loss of the efficiency of strikes is noted, the compromise on outsourcing which may have alienated a substantial part of the union's membership, and the change in the collective agreement of 2008 have caused this decline. In the latter case, the internal disunion on that issue shows the constraints of the union's internal democracy. Furthermore, the failure of the union to join the TEAM industrial union (by democratic means), the internal conflicts and a narrow focus on its own sector may also hurt the union in the future, as the paper industry in Finland is going through a structural change. None of these changes in representativeness would have been so drastic without the considerable pressure of globalization - in particular changing markets, changing technology and a loss of domestic investments to foreign investments, which in the end have benefited the corporations more than the Finnish employees of these corporations. Taken together, the union risks becoming socially irrelevant in time, though it will remain formally very strong on the basis of its institutional setting and financial situation.

Keskusteluja vuokratyöstä. Vuokratyön diskursiivinen rakentuminen Suomessa

1990-luvun alussa lainsäädäntö ja työmarkkinajärjestöt määrittelivät Suomessa, että vuokratyötä tuli käyttää vain tilapäiseen työvoimatarpeeseen, esimerkiksi sijaisuuksiin ja ruuhkahuippuihin. Joillakin aloilla vuokratyö oli työnantajien ja työntekijöiden yhteissopimuksella kielletty. Vaikka vuokratyösuhteet saivat jo 1980-luvulla niin Suomessa kuin kansainvälisestikin maineen työsuhdekeinotteluna, alkoi vuokratyön määrä Suomessa kasvaa 1990-luvun puolivälissä ja erityisesti tultaessa 2000-luvulle. Suomalaiset akateemiset tutkijat eivät ole juuri vuokratyöstä kiinnostuneet. Aiemmat, harvalukuiset tutkimukset ovat keskittyneet lähinnä työyhteisöjen ja työntekijöiden kokemuksiin sekä vuokratyön työehtoihin. Vuokratyö ymmärretäänkin edelleen lähinnä työntekijän subjektiivisena kokemuksena. Vuokratyössä on kuitenkin kysymys paitsi kokemuksista, myös yhteiskunnallisesta valtakamppailusta, jossa diskursiivisin keinoin pyritään vaikuttamaan ilmiöön nimeltä vuokratyö, laajemmin ilmiöön nimeltä työmarkkinat, sekä toisaalta kansalaisten käsityksiin työelämän ”normaalista”. Käsillä oleva tutkimus laajentaa ymmärrystä vuokratyöstä tarkastelemalla ilmiötä lainsäädännön, uutisoinnin ja markkinoinnin rakentamien julkisten käsitysten ja merkityksenantojen kautta. Teoreettisena viitekehyksenä käytän hallinnan ja työprosessin säätelyn teoriaperinteitä. Se, miten työmarkkinoiden muutosta ja uusia työsuhdemuotoja politiikassa, mediassa, lainsäädännössä, tai työpaikan kahvipöytäkeskusteluissa perustellaan ja tehdään ymmärrettäväksi, on samalla työelämään kiinnitettävien arvojen, merkitysten ja toimijuuksien luomista, rajaamista ja kuvailua. Työelämäpuheessa ei siis ole kyse vain talouden lainalaisuuksista, kansantalouden toimivuudesta, tai yritysten kilpailukyvystä, vaan myös ja erityisesti niiden toimijoiden luomisesta, määrittelemisestä ja legitimoimisesta, jotka työelämän kentällä saavat toimia ja tulevat palkituiksi. Säätelyn ja hallinnan näkökulmasta on relevanttia tarkastella millaisilla käsitteillä ja merkityksillä vuokratyötä ilmiönä rakennetaan . Tutkimuskysymyksinä esitän: 1) Miten ja millä perusteilla vuokratyöstä rakennettiin Suomessa legitiimi tapa työllistää ja työllistyä? 2) Millaisia työntekijäideaaleja vuokratyöhön liittyvissä keskusteluissa rakennetaan? Tutkimusaineistona tarkastelen lainsäädäntöön liittyviä dokumentteja, Helsingin Sanomien uutisointia, vuokratyöyritysten markkinointimateriaaleja, sekä vuokratyöyritysten edustajien haastatteluita. Analyysimenetelmänä käytän kriittistä diskurssianalyysia. Tämä menetelmä mahdollistaa puheen ja dokumenttien tarkastelun sosiaalisena toimintana, jolla eri toimijat pyrkivät osallistumaan yhteiskunnassa hyväksyttyjen ja tunnustettujen käsitysten ja toimintavaihtoehtojen rakentamis-, tulkinta- ja määrittelyprosesseihin. Tutkimukseni päätuloksena esitän, että vuokratyöstä muodostui legitiimi tapa työllistää Suomessa 1990-luvulla, koska vuokratyö käsitteellistettiin sekä lainsäädännön että median diskursseissa ennen kaikkea ratkaisuksi työttömyyteen. Toisaalta vuokratyö käsitteellistettiin vain marginaalisten työntekijäryhmien (naiset ja opiskelijat) rooliksi, jolloin se ei liittynyt miesvaltaisten työpaikkojen arkeen. Ratkaisuna työttömyyteen vuokratyö myös samalla luonnollistettiin osaksi yleisempää työmarkkinakehitystä, jolle ”kukaan ei voi mitään”. 2000-luvulla vuokratyö jatkoi voittokulkuaan ja rakentui pysyväksi ilmiöksi, koska työlainsäädännön uudistus institutionalisoi vuokratyön työehtosopimusmenettelyyn, jolloin sen ”salonkikelpoisuus” ja normaalius vahvistettiin. Vaikka työehtosopimusasia oli ratkaisuna merkittävä, nousi vuokratyön osalta itse työehtosopimus tärkeämmäksi kuin sen sisältö. Työehtosopimuksilla ei kuitenkaan pystytty vaikuttamaan esimerkiksi vuokratyöntekijän olemattomaan työsuhdeturvaan. Lisäksi työnantajapuhe käsitteellistää vuokratyön 2000-luvulla ennen kaikkea työmarkkinavaihtoehdoksi, vapautta ja monipuolisia työkokemuksia tarjoavaksi työmarkkinoiden katalysaattoriksi. Vuokratyö on tässä merkitysavaruudessa työntekijöille ”vain” yksi tapa työllistyä ja löytää oma tiensä työmarkkinoille, ei suinkaan työnantajien sanelema pakko. Työntekijöihin kohdistuva hallintapuhe niin mediassa kuin työnantajien haastatteluissakin pyrkii puolestaan rakentamaan ideaalityöntekijäkuvaksi yrittäjämäisen oman elämänsä toimitusjohtajan. Työnantajien diskursseissa kaikuvatkin työntekijään kohdistuva vaatimus itse itsensä ohjaamisesta sekä työntekijäidentiteetin muotoilemisesta joustavuutta, sopeutuvuutta, vaihtelua ja jatkuvaa muutosta vähintäänkin sietäväksi, mutta mieluiten näitä ominaisuuksia jopa aktiivisesti hakevaksi ja arvostavaksi. Työmarkkinoiden toimijana on nimenomaisesti yksilö, jonka mahdollisuudet menestyä ovat vain ja ainoastaan hänen omissa käsissään. Työntekijän roolin korostaminen aktiivisena toimijana ja vuokratyöstä ”oikeita”, norminmukaisia sisältöjä löytävänä pärjääjänä on diskursiivisesti hallittua yritystä ohjata työntekijöitä näkemään sekä itsensä tietynlaisina toimijoina että työmarkkinat tietyllä tavalla toimivina. Vuokratyössä ei ole kyse vain työntekijöiden yksilöllisistä tai yksittäisistä kokemuksista. Vuokratyö on yhteiskunnallisen merkityskamppailun tulos, jossa käyttövoimana ovat toimineet hallinnalliset ja säätelyyn pyrkivät käsitteellistykset työllisyydestä, yksilön valinnasta ja koko yhteiskunnan edusta. Hallinnan ja säätelyn näkökulmasta katsottuna vuokratyö on myös merkinnyt säätelyn liukumista tasa-arvoa, yhdenmukaista kohtelua ja työntekijän suojelua korostavasta viranomaisten ja poliittisten toimijoiden suorittamasta työmarkkinoiden kollektiivisesta säätelystä työnantajien ylläpitämään työntekijän persoonan ja käyttäytymisen hegemoniseen, yksilölliseen säätelyyn.

Inclusion or Exclusion? Trade union strategies and Labor migration

Inclusion or Exclusion? Trade Union Strategies and Labor Migration This research identified and analyzed immigration-related strategies of the Finnish Construction Trade Union (FCTU) and the Service Union United (SUU); e.g. how the unions react to labor immigration, whether unions seek to include migrants in the unions, and what is migrants’ position in the unions. The two unions were chosen as the focus of the research because the workforce in the sectors they represent is migrant-dense. The study also analyzed the experiences that migrants who work in these sectors have with trade unions. The Estonian labor market situation –including the role of Estonian trade unions– was also examined as it has a considerable impact on the operating environment of the FCTU. The results of the study indicate that immigration is a contradictory issue for both unions. On the one hand, they strive to include migrants as trade union members and to defend migrants’ labor rights. On the other hand, they, together with their umbrella organization the Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions (SAK), seek to prevent labor immigration from outside the EU and EEA countries. They actively defend current labor immigration restrictions by drawing atten- tion to high unemployment figures and to the breaches of working conditions migrants encounter. In contrast, the employer organizations promote a more liberal state policy on labor immigration because they see it as a boost for business. Both the unions and the employer organizations ground their arguments on national interest. However, the position of the trade union movement is not uniform: unions belonging to the Confederation of Unions for Professionals and Managerial Staff in Finland (Akava) embrace more liberal labor immigration stances than the SAK. A key trade union strategy is to try to guarantee that migrants’ working condi- tions do not differ from those of the natives. The FCTU and the SUU inform migrants about Finnish collective agreements and trade union membership in the most common migrant languages. This is important for the unions because it is not in their interest that migrants’ working conditions are undercut. The interviewed migrants said that natives had more negotiating power with employers, which is often negatively portrayed in migrants’ working conditions. Migrants perceive that trade unions have an important role in protecting their working conditions. However, they stressed that migrants’ knowledge of unions is often very limited. The number of migrants in both two unions studied here is increasing. Espe- cially in the SUU, a considerable proportion of the new members are migrants. The FCTU is in a more challenging situation than the SUU because migrant construc- tion workers often work only for short periods in Finland and are consequently not interested in becoming union members. The unions’ strategies partly differ: the FCTU was the first Finnish trade union to establish a trade union branch/lo- cal for migrant members. The goal is to facilitate migrants’ inclusion in the union and to highlight the specific problems they face. The SUU, for its part, insists that such a special strategy would exclude migrants within the union organization. Despite the unions’ strategies, migrants are still underrepresented as union members and officials, which some of the interviewed migrants saw as a problem. Immigrants’ perception of trade unions was pragmatic: they had joined unions when membership yielded concrete benefits. In spite of the unions’ strategies, migrants –and temporary migrants– encoun- ter specific problems in terms of working conditions. Both unions demand more state intervention to protect migrants’ labor rights because overseeing working conditions consumes union resources. However, without the unions’ intervention, these problems would be more common than is currently the case. For instance, some of the interviewed migrants had received trade union assistance in claim- ing unpaid wages. The study demonstrated with the help of building on Walter Korpi’s power resources theory, that immigration is a power resource issue for the unions: suc- cessful immigration-related strategies strengthen unions –and vice versa. The research also showed how the unions’ operating environments constrain and enable their immigration-related strategies. This study has illuminated a previously ignored dimension: the immigrant- inclusive strategies of the Finnish trade unions. The research material consists of 78 qualitative interviews, observation in trade union events, and trade unions’ and employer organizations’ public state- ments.

L’implication du syndicat dans la gestion de la prestation des services municipaux : une comparaison Québec-Écosse

Pour devenir plus flexible, le secteur public a ouvert la voie à de nouveaux principes inspirés de la gestion propre aux firmes, soit la marchandisation des services (Fairbrother et Poynter, 2001). Notre recherche souhaite mieux comprendre les facteurs qui peuvent influencer l’implication du syndicat lorsque la marchandisation est introduite dans la gestion de la prestation des services municipaux. Pour se faire, nous avons choisi de comparer des cas des municipalités dans deux pays, la Ville de Québec et Edinburgh en Écosse, afin de nous aider à comprendre davantage les interactions entre les influences nationales et locales. Nous proposons que les ressources de pouvoir du syndicat local et la stratégie patronale influencent l’implication du syndicat dans la gestion de la prestation des services municipaux, peu importe le contexte national. Les résultats de la recherche nous indiquent que les ressources de pouvoir et la stratégie patronale influencent directement l’implication syndicale. Alors que les ressources de pouvoir donnent un rapport de force au syndicat face à l’employeur, la stratégie patronale peut encourager ou freiner l'implication syndicale. Nos résultats ont aussi soulevé certaines différences entre les contextes nationaux de l’Écosse et du Québec affectant l’implication syndicale: les législations de « Best Value » au Royaume-Uni et celles encadrant les conventions collectives et relations de travail au Québec. Ainsi, des recherches futures sont nécessaires pour mettre à l’épreuve les modèles nationaux couramment utilisés en relations industrielles pour contribuer à la création d’une nouvelle théorie comparative.