Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 639 - "On the Sociology of Class Relations" und "The Psychology of Nazidom" (p. IX 16.1-2-IX 17.1-2)

"On the Sociology of Class Relations" (GS 12, S.75-104); 1. 1943 Aufsatz. a) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 34 Blatt b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 31 Blatt c) Typoskript, 31 Blatt und eigenhändigen Ergänzungen, 1 Blatt d) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 26 Blatt; 2. Franz Neumann: 1 eigenhändiger Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer mit Anmerkungen zum Aufsatz, ohne Ort, 30.09.1943, 11 Blatt; "The Psychology of Nazidom" (GS 5, S. 354-359); 1. Buchbesprechung von "Is Germany Inucable?" von Richard M. Brickner; veröffentlicht in: "The New Leader", 14.08.1943. a)Typoskript, 7 Blatt b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 7 Blatt c) Zeitungsdruck, 3 Exemplare; 2. "What Shall We Do With Germany? A Panel Discussion of 'Is Germany Incurable?'". Zeitungsausschnitte aus : "The Saturday Review of Literature", 29.05.1343, 6 Blatt;

Configurations of Gender, Class and Rurality in Resource Affected Rural Australia

Historically, class has been a key concern in studies of resource affected communities (e.g., Williamson 1982, Warwick and Littlejohn 1992). While work continues, particularly in Britain, today it reflects the rationalization of the British mining sector, and thus focuses largely on mining heritage (e.g., Strangleman et al. 1999, Dicks 2008). In contrast, this chapter examines class relations as manifest in a contemporary setting in rural Australia. This site, the Ravensthorpe Shire in the south west of Western Australia, relied largely on agriculture until 2004 when BHP Billiton commenced construction of a nickel mine in the area. This affected the entire Shire as well as the two rural communities of Ravensthorpe and Hopetoun. The mine, which was officially opened in June 2008, is one of a large number of new mineral and energy developments being established in non metropolitan areas of the country as high international demand for resources fuels significant growth in the sector. In a single six month period in 2009, for example, 15 major minerals and energy projects were completed across the nation and a further 74 projects were at advanced stages (Australian Bureau of Agricultural Economics 2009). A number of these were, as was the case in Ravensthorpe, in what had been traditionally agricultural communities.

Cosmo girls: configurations of class and femininity in elite educational settings

In this paper we offer a unique contribution to understandings of schooling as a site for the production of social class difference. We bring together the rich body of work that has been conducted on middle-class educational identities, with explorations of the centrality of the feminine in representations of class difference from the field of critical girlhood studies. This is done in order to explore how young femininities mediate the representation of class difference in the environment of the private girls’ school. Drawing from our two research studies, located in private girls’ schools in Australia and the United Kingdom, we argue that the notion of ‘disgust’, commonly used in recent engagements around class, has only limited purchase in understanding the representation of class difference in these schools. It is the inconsistencies and complexities in how class and class relations are produced that we wish to illuminate.

Youth theatre and the articulation of cultural capital : refocusing Bourdieu through ethnography

This study of working-class and middle-class youth theatre workshops examines the processes through which this cultural form is appropriated by different class groups. Whereas the middle-class workshop proceeded efficiently and harmoniously, the working-class group resisted a number of institutional constraints traditionally associated with play rehearsal and performance. The processes of such symbolic struggle in the working-class group appeared to differ from Bourdieu's account of cultural domination. The article explores the explanatory contribution of the ethnographic case study to the analysis of the class basis of cultural tastes and practices and suggest that Bourdieu's account of class relations would gain from inclusion of this level of analysis. The situated study of the youth theatre workshops suggests that at this level, there is possibly more scope for symbolic struggle between the classes than was found by Bourdieu.

Negociar direitos? : legislação trabalhista e reforma neoliberal no governo FHC (1995-2002)

Ao longo do século XX, o Direito do Trabalho esteve associado a um arranjo político e social cujos sentidos estavam vinculados, entre outros aspectos, à civilização das relações de classe e à reprodução do capitalismo com democracia, no âmbito dos Estados nacionais. O propósito desta pesquisa é investigar como ocorreu o processo de deslocamento e reinterpretação desses sentidos (equivalente à codificação da razão do mais forte), no contexto da forte hegemonia política da coalizão de centro-direita que governou o país entre 1995 e 2002. Nesse período, o Poder Executivo Federal, as principais organizações patronais, setores importantes da mídia impressa e a Força Sindical estiveram empenhados na promoção de profunda alteração dos traços centrais do modelo brasileiro de relações de trabalho, no qual a lei é mais importante na definição dos direitos substantivos do trabalho do que os contratos coletivos. Para justificar politicamente essas alterações, o Poder Executivo e seus apoiadores apontaram a responsabilidade do modelo legislado pelos elevados custos do emprego formal, a perda de competitividade da indústria, o aumento da informalidade e do desemprego durante o governo FHC. Por meio da leitura das justificativas dos projetos encaminhados ao Congresso Nacional pelo Poder Executivo, das manifestações de suas principais lideranças e dos apoiadores na mídia e no meio sindical, a pesquisa busca interpretar o sentido político dessa leitura, apresentada como se fosse solução técnica e modernizante para uma legislação que estaria ultrapassada. Consideramos que a reforma trabalhista tinha claros propósitos políticos pois, além de repassar aos trabalhadores os custos do ajuste econômico nos anos 90, permitiu justificar na cena pública a retração do papel do Estado, bem como fortalecer o apoio de setores importantes do patronato a esse projeto político.

Dependência e mineração no quadrilátero ferrífero-aquífero: o discurso do desenvolvimento minerador e o Projeto Apolo

Pretendemos com esse trabalho analisar as relações entre as Mineradoras e a sociedade civil local das regiões mineradoras, por meio principalmente da Teoria da Dependência. Tentamos refletir sobre os efeitos da atividade minério-exportadora nas populações locais e as maneiras de manutenção dessa ordem social. O estudo pode ser dividido em dois que se interrelacionam: 1) no primeiro, empreendemos uma discussão sobre o subdesenvolvimento, a dependência e a mineração num país semiperiférico como o Brasil; 2) no segundo, analisamos, especificamente, a conjuntura da instalação da Mina Apolo da Vale. Esta parte da pesquisa está baseada no trabalho de campo e na análise das entrevistas com os envolvidos no debate sobre a Mina Apolo e o Parque Nacional do Gandarela. Ao buscarmos nas relações de classe da região as razões para a manutenção da atividade mineira-exportadora, intentamos discutir o tipo de desenvolvimento que a mineração engendra. Partimos da hipótese de que são inúmeros os danos causados pela mineração à sociedade civil local, principalmente a longo e médio prazo. A população local e as classes populares não mobilizam um discurso contra-hegemônico, ou mesmo questionador, de ampla aceitação na sociedade civil local porque o discurso do desenvolvimento minerador e a dependência econômica da região frente à mineração desmobilizam os movimentos críticos e contrários às mineradoras. Esta dependência econômica é traduzida em dependência sócio-política.

Government Laws, Regulations and Policies: Small Fish in a Big Pond

Global development has, in recent years, been shaped by the rise of transnational capital. This has implications for the quality and effectiveness of those national laws, regulations and policies in place to monitor transnational capital, ensure that multi national organisations assume responsibility and hold them accountable should they fail to do so. In balancing these objectives, contrasting issues come to the fore, such as the fear of capital flight; an issue especially profound in small open economies where the balance may tip in the favour of retaining, as opposed to regulating, foreign capital.
This paper can be considered in three parts. First, the paper addresses the shift in global leadership from national governments to multinational corporations (with particular reference to the rise of the Transnational Capitalist Class). This shift will incorporate the connotations of the Third Way. In considering this ideology, it will propose the Third Way as a transition phase to a stage when government is more the “third wheel” than an equal partner in governance structures. Second, the implications of the changing nature of governance on the capacity of nation states to develop effective laws, regulations and policies is discussed which leads on to the third aspect of the paper which identifies the challenges for governments, business and society in reimagining the governance structure pertaining to law, regulation and policy and the need to reconsider existing structures in light of global shifts in power structures.
A new leadership structure, both within the national and international governance system has far reaching implications. Boundary constraints no longer an issue, the potential for equality and global democracy is huge. Instead, a post recessionary world faces new governance challenges in the shape of; legitimacy; accountability and responsibility. Capitalism has invaded government and the primary challenge will be in avoiding the same issues that have dogged our financial markets for the last number of years. The challenge then to laws, regulations and public policy is huge, especially considering that the governments regulating are smaller than those dictating agenda on a global level

Quels sont les facteurs menant à la consommation de services sexuels rémunérés dans un contexte touristique à l’étranger? : le cas du tourisme sexuel au Mexique

Il a été montré que l’Homme a un penchant latent à poser des gestes prohibés qui sont contrôlés par les normes formelles et informelles de sa communauté. Si nous sortons un individu de sa communauté sera-t-il plus enclin à poser ces gestes? C’est cette situation que le présent mémoire cherche à exposer. Nous visons à comprendre le processus menant à la consommation de services sexuels rémunérés dans un contexte touristique à l’étranger par l’étude du tourisme sexuel au Mexique. Nous cherchons à définir les facteurs qui motivent, ou du moins favorisent ce type de consommation dans un tel contexte. Pour rendre compte de ces facteurs, nous utilisons un corpus de données composé de commentaires publiés par des touristes sexuels sur un forum de clavardage, se trouvant sur la Toile, et de données existantes. Nous analysons ce corpus de données par une combinaison théorique de l’intersectionnalité et du contrôle social. Précisément, nous analysons les commentaires seuls afin de rendre compte des motivations des touristes à pratiquer le tourisme sexuel, puis nous analysons les données existantes en établissant des liens avec les commentaires publiés pour connaitre les facteurs qui permettent aux touristes cette pratique.

The Containment of Labour Unrest in the Post Socialist China

Due to its transition from the socialist mode of production to the capitalist mode, workers in China have been exposed to the exploitative class relations that they hardly experienced before. The working class is now assuming a subordinate position in the relations of production while the capitalist class remains in the dominant position. As a consequence, workers’ protests are constantly emerging and class conflicts are exacerbating in the contemporary China. I have set out to study in this paper how the party-state in China contains labour unrest through the All China Federation of Trade Unions (the ACFTU), which I argue is a state apparatus that performs the ideological, political and economic functions in different situations. There has been an ongoing academic debate on if the ACFTU is defending workers’ interests. Some scholars have expressed optimism while some have taken a dim view. Drawing on Poulantzas’ theory of capitalist state, I hope to make contribution to this debate by demonstrating that the ACFTU is under some circumstances serving the short term interests of workers as individuals, but not the economic and political interests of workers as a class. Instead of organizing workers to overcome the effects of isolation or forming a class for itself, the ACFTU attempts to contain labour unrest and reproduce their subordination in the relations of production.

China's Labor Question

The Honda workers’ strike in 2010 attracted world wide attention. It was one of thousands of labor disputes that happen every year in China, but it was the first major calling for the right of workers to represent themselves in collective bargaining. The question of representation is therefore the main topic of the book. The various contributors to this volume share the view that the Chinese party-state takes the protest against social inequality seriously. It has enacted many laws aimed at channeling dissatisfaction into safe channels. The implementation of these laws, however, lags behind and these laws do not include the right of freedom of association. Without this right, super-exploitation will persist and the system of labor relations will remain prone to eruptive forms of protest. The first part of the book provides an overview of the economic context of Chinese labor relations, the transformation of class-relations, the evolution of labor law, and government policies intended to set a wage floor. Based on extensive field research, the second part looks at the evolution of labor relations at the industry level. In the third part, the focus shifts to the Corporate Social Responsibility agenda in China. The final part looks at the connection between land reform and social inequality.

As condições e o sentido do trabalho doméstico realizado por adolescentes que residem no local de emprego

The house work is a reality for girls of humble class and one of the most found forms of work among adolescent workers. Moreover, it is a mean of work which reproduces poverty and gender relations within the society. The purpose of this essay in to understand the house work in the life of adolescent workers, emphasizing the meaning produced by these teenagers concerning the job they perform. In order to achieve such goal, questionnaires were applied to 332 adolescents, under 18 years old from public schools (from EJA-supletivo) in Natal, with the purpose of mapping the registration of this activity among young students. Next, 14 adolescents were interviewed in order to recognize the meaning of this work and its repercussions over the teenagery, such as school education, socialization, relations with employers and adolescent s self-image. Later we have noticed most workers among the students from public schools are housemaids. Furthermore, this work is used as a form of social ascension and it contributes for the search for better opportunities in the state capital for adolescents who leave the countryside trying to agree to education and remuneration. This work plays an important role, which is to reproduce gender relations, as a woman works to maintain the private space as a female space and maintains the man out of this relation. Besides it reproduces class relations, ethny and generation conflicts, in which the employer replaces the control the parents have in the adolescent s life. Summing up, this study about house work have negative aspects, related to exploitation, humiliation and mistreat, as well as positive ones, for it permits the adolescent to improve his life conditions. The most important thing is to look for a mean of work in which human and workers rights are respected

A reorganizacao dos espacos mundiais apos a Segunda Grande Guerra (1945-1979).

Examines the influence of class relations and political, ideological and structural shapes on international relations. Detente policy between the great world powers developed as a function of the basic interests of United States and Soviet Union. The analysis of underdeveloped countries' international policies is in accordance with processes of capitalistic accumulation and international labour division. -from English summary

Relaciones de género y militancia política : Las obreras textiles y el comunismo entre 1936 y 1946

Aquí se analiza una de las estrategias de integración política del Partido Comunista Argentino hacia las obreras de la industria textil: la de la organización de las mujeres. Para analizar las relaciones de género dentro de la clase obrera se desarrolló una metodología específica que consiste en examinar las relaciones intra e intersexo-género/clase. Como resultado de esta investigación se advirtió que esta política implementada por el comunismo influyó en el aumento de la militancia femenina en la Unión Obrera Textil durante la década del treinta y la primera mitad de los cuarenta

Relaciones de género y militancia política : Las obreras textiles y el comunismo entre 1936 y 1946

Aquí se analiza una de las estrategias de integración política del Partido Comunista Argentino hacia las obreras de la industria textil: la de la organización de las mujeres. Para analizar las relaciones de género dentro de la clase obrera se desarrolló una metodología específica que consiste en examinar las relaciones intra e intersexo-género/clase. Como resultado de esta investigación se advirtió que esta política implementada por el comunismo influyó en el aumento de la militancia femenina en la Unión Obrera Textil durante la década del treinta y la primera mitad de los cuarenta