United for freedom; co-operatives and Christian democracy,

Includes bibliography.

The making of an ideology of the third way:the evolution of christian democracy in Germany (with special reference to 1945-49)

This study investigates the search for the third way in the history of German Christian Democracy. Today, in the United Kingdom, the 'third way' is seen as a new phenomenon, a synthesis of post-war belief in the welfare state and neo-liberal conservatism. Yet it insufficiently acknowledges that the origins of third way thinking, the marriage of social justice with free market economics, of individualism with collective responsibility, are found in the early philosophies of Catholic Social Theory and Protestant Social Ethical Teaching in Germany. This study shows that in the hundred years from the 1840s to the end of the 1940s, there were Catholic and Protestant socio-ethical thinkers and political reformists in Germany who attempted to bridge the philosophical differences between liberalism and socialism, to develop a socio-economic order based on Christian moral values. It will focus on the period 1945-1949, when the CDU was founded as the first interdenominational, Christian party. The study provides the first comprehensive account of the political debates in Christian democratic groups in the Soviet, British, French and American allied occupied zones, also giving equal attention to the contribution from the Protestant wing, alongside the more widely acknowledged role of Catholics in the birth of the CDU. It examines how Christian Democrats envisaged correcting the aberrations of German history, by uniting all social classes and Christian religions in one all-embracing Volkspartei, and transforming party politics from its earlier obsession with sectarian and ideological interests towards a more pragmatic 'third way' programme. The study argues that through the making of its ideology, the CDU modified the nation's understanding of its history, re-interpreted its traditions, and redefined the meaning and perception of established political philosophies. This reveals how the ambiguity of political terminology, and the flexible practice of 'third way' politics, were an invaluable political resource in the CDU's campaign for unity, ideological legitimisation and political power.

Augusto Del Noce : católicos y liberales. Maritain en el pensamiento filosófico-político italiano

Resumen: El pensamiento filosófico-político de Jacques Maritain tuvo una enorme influencia en Italia durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX, especialmente entre los dirigentes políticos de la democracia cristiana gobernante. En el plano más estrictamente teórico, fue Augusto Del Noce el encargado de introducir las ideas de Maritain en el mundo filosófico italiano. En este artículo el autor recorre las diferentes etapas por las que atravesó Del Noce en su interpretación del pensamiento del filósofo francés, subrayando la continuidad de una coincidencia de fondo en la visión de ambos acerca de la relación entre el Cristianismo y la cultura en la modernidad.

Un groupe religieux à l’épreuve du parti politique Sécularisation de l’islamisme au Maroc : mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme-Parti de la justice et du développement (1996-2011)

Thèse présentée en cotutelle en vue de l’obtention des grades de Philosophiae Doctor (Ph.D.) en Sciences des Religions de l’Université de Montréal et de Docteur en Sociologie de l’École Pratique des Hautes Études Paris-Sorbonne

Influencia de las migraciones protestantes estadounidenses en los partidos políticos PAN y ARENA. Caso: México y El Salvador

La presente investigación, tiene como objetivo analizar a partir de la segunda oleada migratoria de misiones protestantes norteamericanas hacia el centro y sur de América a finales de los 80s, la incidencia de estas en la organización interna, las estrategias para acceder al poder y el proyecto político de los partidos políticos, Partido de Acción Nacional (PAN) de México y Partido Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (ARENA) de El Salvador. Esta investigación pretende determinar la influencia de estas migraciones en la construcción, consolidación o transformación de los partidos políticos anteriormente mencionados, llegando así a una notoria tendencia derechista de estos en la actualidad, partiendo de que ambos partidos como ideología política son conservadores, y cuentan con una fuerte influencia republicana, sin dejar de lado una democracia cristiana y un propósito anticomunista.

A unidade política das esquerdas no Uruguai: das primeiras experiências à Frente Ampla (1958-1973)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Cattolici e liberali dall'antifascismo alla seconda guerra mondiale (1925-1943)

Il quadro tematico della tesi è la storia politica e culturale delle relazioni tra il cattolicesimo democratico di origine «popolare» e la tradizione del liberalismo italiano, in un arco cronologico compreso tra l’antifascismo dell’Aventino e la fondazione della Democrazia Cristiana. L’ipotesi della ricerca è che proprio in questo «lungo viaggio» la classe dirigente del cattolicesimo politico (a cominciare dalla leadership di Alcide De Gasperi) abbia completato quel processo di acculturazione in senso «liberale» che le avrebbe consentito di guidare consensualmente l’uscita dal fascismo nel secondo dopoguerra.

Política de la República Federal de Alemania hacia España durante el franquismo y la transición (1949-1979)

En este artículo se realiza un análisis de la evolución de la política que la República Federal de Alemania (RFA) desarrolló hacia España durante las tres décadas que separan la creación del joven Estado federal y la entrada en vigor de la Constitución Española. Sin tratar de abarcar todos y cada uno de los asuntos que la caracterizaron, se pretende estudiar la conformación de los grandes vectores que la articularon y su paulatina transformación, en sintonía con la evolución internacional y la de ambos países.

Authority in religion,

I. The fact of authority.--II. The fact of freedom.--III. The problem of authority.--IV. Authority and infallibility.--V. The theoretic source and organ of authority.--VI. The authority of the prophets. The aristocrats.--VII. The authority of the church. The Christian democracy.--VIII. The authority of Jesus Christ. The Lord.--IX. Concluding note.--Index.

Le Problème de l'heure présente: antagonisme de deux civilisations.

Mode of access: Internet.

Poglady Demokracyi chrzescijanskiej we Francyi (r. 1892-1907).

Mode of access: Internet.

Battaglie d'oggi.

I. Il programma politico della democrazia cristiana (nuova politica guelfa) 2. migliaio. IV. Democrazia cristiana italiana (1901-1904) Edizione definitiva.

Introduction:understanding the transformation of the CDU

This article introduces the special issue on the transformation of German Christian Democracy and sets the context for organisational and policy change in the CDU. As a starting point, it identifies both contemporary challenges to the CDU, locating its discussion within the wider literature on European Christian Democracy, and considers the extent to which these apply to the German case. It then outlines the key dimensions of the contemporary CDU which are examined in this collection. © 2013 Association for the Study of German Politics.

Christian-Muslim Dialogue : Perspectives of Four Lebanese Thinkers

This study describes and analyses two Lebanese Muslims and two Lebanese Christians ideas about Christian-Muslim dialogue, its nature, aims, and methods and its different dimensions, which include doctrinal, ethical, and social dimensions. On the basis of the analysis, the four thinkers contributions for promoting constructive dialogue are evaluated. The persons studied are two religious authorities, the Shiite Great Ayatollah Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah (b. 1935) and the Eastern Orthodox Metropolitan of Mount Lebanon, Georges Khodr (b. 1923), and two academic scholars, Doctor Mahmoud Ayoub (b. 1935) and Doctor, Father Mouchir Aoun (b. 1964), from the Shiite and Greek Catholic communities, respectively. The method of the study is systematic analysis. The sources consist of the four thinkers writings on Christian-Muslim relations, the most of which have been published in Lebanon in the 1990s and 2000s in the Arabic language. In their general guidelines for Christian-Muslim dialogue, the four authors do not offer any novel or unusual insights. However, their dialogue visions are multi-faceted, motivating interreligious encounter both on religious and practical grounds and clarifying the theological grounds and socio-political conditions of this endeavour. The major challenge appears to be the tension between loyalty to one s own convictions and taking into account the particular self-understanding of the other. While this tension may be ultimately unsolvable, it is obvious that linking dialogue tightly to missionary motivations or certain theological agenda imposed on the others is not conducive for better mutual understanding. As for how diverse theologies of religions affect interreligious dialogue, narrow exclusivism hardly promotes mutual knowledge and appreciation, but also inclusive and pluralistic positions have their particular dilemmas. In the end, dialogue is possible from diverse positions on theology of religions. All the authors discuss the theological themes of divine revelation, concept of God, and human condition and ultimate destiny. The two religions particular views on these issues cannot be reconciled, but the authors offer diverse means to facilitate mutual understanding on them, such as increasing mutual knowledge, questioning certain traditional condemnations, showing theological parallels between the two religions, and transcending doctrinal disagreements by stressing common religious experience or ethical concerns. Among the theological themes, especially the concept of God seems to offer possibilities for better understanding than has traditionally been the case. Significantly, all the four authors maintain that Christians and Muslims share the faith in the one God, irrespective of their disagreements about the nature of his oneness. Basic ethical principles are not discussed as widely by the four authors as might be expected, which may reflect the shared cultural background and common ethical values of the Lebanese Muslims and Christians. On this level, Christians alienation from the Islamic law appears as the most significant challenge to mutual understanding, while neighbourly love and the golden rule of ethics offer a fruitful basis for further dialogue. As for the issue of political power-sharing in Lebanon, it is clear that the proposal of an Islamic state is problematic in a country with a sizable Christian minority and a heterogeneous Muslim population. Some form of democracy seems more viable for a multireligious country, but the question remains how to retain religion as a vital force in society, which is felt to be important by all the four Lebanese authors.

Defending the Faith(s)?:Democracy and Hereditary Right in England

The persistence of traditional monarchies in modern societies, which are otherwise characterized by democratic and egalitarian values, remains a paradox in the social sciences. In part this is attributable to the lack of psychological investigation into the relationship between subject and sovereign, and in particular the ways in which the political and social values of the citizenry shape understandings of a hereditary monarch’s right to represent a national community. Adopting the qualitative analysis methods of discursive psychology and grounded theory, the current study examines vernacular accounts of nationhood and monarchy in England in both formalized conversational interviews (n = 60) and impromptu street interviews (n = 56). Focusing on accounts of Prince Charles’s recent proposal to change the role of the monarch, from “Defender of the (Christian) Faith” to “Defender of Faiths,” those in favor treated it as a positive step towards reflecting a diverse (religious) community, bringing the monarchy into line with current concerns of pluralism and upholding
values of personal choice and individual rights. Participants who rejected the proposed change in title construed it as antithetical to these values in terms of reflecting personal stake and interest, an abuse of power, or an imposition on other faiths. In all accounts, the prime concern was in safeguarding the political and social values of the citizenry. In conclusion it is argued that the study of subjects’ relationship to the monarch, its function and legitimacy, can provide an opportunity to examine how values can characterize a national community and facilitate national diversity.