862 resultados para Boer War
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On verso of t.-p.: War Dept. Document no. 244. Office of the Chief of the Staff.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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This thesis examines the role of conservative newspaper proprietors and editors to generate support for war against the Boers in South Africa. The thesis utilises Rune Ottosen's theoretical model concerning newspapers creating a pro-war mentality, and S.E. Finer's theory on the influences of the military on civilian Government. The pivotal supportive roles of Governor Lamington and Premiers Dickson and Philp and the oppositional role of Premier Dawson are also examined.
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The era between the close of the nineteenth century and the onset of the First World War witnessed a marked increase in radical agitation among Indian and Irish nationalists. The most outspoken political leaders of the day founded a series of widely circulated newspapers in India and Ireland, placing these editors in the enviable position of both reporting and creating the news. Nationalist journalists were in the vanguard of those pressing vocally for an independent India and Ireland, and together constituted an increasingly problematic contingent for the British Empire. The advanced-nationalist press in Ireland and the nationalist press in India took the lead in facilitating the exchange of provocative ideas--raising awareness of perceived imperial injustices, offering strategic advice, and cementing international solidarity. Irish and Indian press coverage of Britain's imperial wars constituted one of the premier weapons in the nationalists' arsenal, permitting them to build support for their ideology and forward their agenda in a manner both rapid and definitive. Directing their readers' attention to conflicts overseas proved instructive in how the Empire dealt with those who resisted its policies, and also showcased how it conducted its affairs with its allies. As such, critical press coverage of the Boxer Rebellion, Boer War, Russo-Japanese War, and World War I bred disaffection for the Empire, while attempts by the Empire to suppress the critiques further alienated the public. This dissertation offers the first comparative analysis of the major nationalist press organs in India and Ireland, using the prism of war to illustrate the increasingly persuasive role of the press in promoting resistance to the Empire. It focuses on how the leading Indian and Irish editors not only fostered a nationalist agenda within their own countries, but also worked in concert to construct a global anti-imperialist platform. By highlighting the anti-imperial rhetoric of the nationalist press in India and Ireland and illuminating their strategies for attaining self-government, this study deepens understanding of the seeds of nationalism, making a contribution to comparative imperial scholarship, and demonstrating the power of the media to alter imperial dynamics and effect political change.
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The era between the close of the nineteenth century and the onset of the First World War witnessed a marked increase in radical agitation among Indian and Irish nationalists. The most outspoken political leaders of the day founded a series of widely circulated newspapers in India and Ireland, placing these editors in the enviable position of both reporting and creating the news. Nationalist journalists were in the vanguard of those pressing vocally for an independent India and Ireland, and together constituted an increasingly problematic contingent for the British Empire. The advanced-nationalist press in Ireland and the nationalist press in India took the lead in facilitating the exchange of provocative ideas—raising awareness of perceived imperial injustices, offering strategic advice, and cementing international solidarity. Irish and Indian press coverage of Britain’s imperial wars constituted one of the premier weapons in the nationalists’ arsenal, permitting them to build support for their ideology and forward their agenda in a manner both rapid and definitive. Directing their readers’ attention to conflicts overseas proved instructive in how the Empire dealt with those who resisted its policies, and also showcased how it conducted its affairs with its allies. As such, critical press coverage of the Boxer Rebellion, Boer War, Russo-Japanese War, and World War I bred disaffection for the Empire, while attempts by the Empire to suppress the critiques further alienated the public. This dissertation offers the first comparative analysis of the major nationalist press organs in India and Ireland, using the prism of war to illustrate the increasingly persuasive role of the press in promoting resistance to the Empire. It focuses on how the leading Indian and Irish editors not only fostered a nationalist agenda within their own countries, but also worked in concert to construct a global anti-imperialist platform. By highlighting the anti-imperial rhetoric of the nationalist press in India and Ireland and illuminating their strategies for attaining self-government, this study deepens understanding of the seeds of nationalism, making a contribution to comparative imperial scholarship, and demonstrating the power of the media to alter imperial dynamics and effect political change.
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Chapman, T. R. Ben Bowen (Writers of Wales)(University of Wales Press, 2003) RAE2008
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Dr. Alexander Tille (1866–1912) was one of the key-figures in Anglo-German intercultural transfer towards the end of the 19th century. As a lecturer in German at Glasgow University he was the first to translate and edit Nietzsche’s work into English. Writers such as W. B. Yeats were influenced by Nietzsche and used Tille’s translations. Tille’s social Darwinist reading of the philosopher’s oeuvre, however, had a narrowing impact on the reception of Nietzsche in the Anglo-Saxon world for decades. Through numerous publications Tille disseminated knowledge about British authors (e.g., Robert Louis Stevenson, William Wordsworth) in Germany and about German authors (e.g., Johann Wolfgang von Goethe) in Britain. His role as mediator also extended into areas such as history, religion, and industry. During the Boer war, however, Tille’s outspoken pro-German nationalism brought him in conflict with his British host society. After being physically attacked by his students he returned to Germany and published a highly anglophobic monograph. Tille personifies the paradox of Anglo-German relations in the pre-war years, which deteriorated despite an increase in intercultural transfer and knowledge about the respective Other. [From the Author]
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This dissertation examines the livelihood strategies of African dock workers in Durban, South Africa, between the Anglo-Boer War and the 1959 strikes. These labourers did not conform to common conceptions of radical dock workers or conservative African migrant workers. While Marxist scholars have been correct to stress the working class consciousness of Durban’s dock workers, this consciousness was also more ambiguous. These workers and their leaders displayed a peculiar mix of concern for workers’ issues and defences of the rights and interests of African traders. Many of Durban’s dock workers were not only wage labourers. In fact, only a minority had wages as their only source of income. The Reserve economy played a role in sustaining the consumption levels of their households and, more importantly, more than half of the former dock workers interviewed for this research engaged in some form of commercial enterprise, often based on the pilferage and sale of cargoes. Some also teamed up with township women who sold pilfered goods while the men were at work. This combination of commercial strategies and wage labour has often been overlooked in the literature. By looking at these livelihood strategies, this dissertation considers how rural and urban economies interacted in households’ strategies and reinterprets the reproduction of labour and the household in order to move beyond dichotomies of proletarian versus rural consciousness. The dock workers’ households were neither proletarian households that were forced to reside in the countryside because of apartheid, nor traditional rural homesteads with a missing migrant member. The households were reproduced in three geographically separate spheres of production and consumption, none of which could reproduce the household on its own. These spheres were dependent on each other, but also separate, as physical distance gave the different household members some autonomy. Such multi-nodal households not only bridged the rural and the urban, but equally straddled the formal/informal divide. For many, their employment on the docks made their commercial enterprises possible, which allowed them to retire early from urban wage labour. Consequently, the interests of wage labourers could not be divorced from those of African small-scale entrepreneurs.
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Ethel Smyth’s opera, Der Wald, met with mixed reactions at its premiere in Berlin in 1902. Many factors contributed to this, not least, as Smyth herself observed, anti-British sentiment in Germany following the second Boer War. One might have expected that the reception of the opera at its British premiere on 18 July at Covent Garden might have been more positive, but even here critical opinion was divided. Even positive reviews were not free from gender discrimination, and other reviews condemned the opera for being too German or Wagnerian. What was meant by ‘Wagnerian’? This article answers the question in three ways. Firstly, I argue that ‘Wagnerian’ meant not a leitmotif-filled, through-composed work (as distinct from a number opera), but simply a lyrical drama; for British audiences the model for this was Tannhäuser or Lohengrin, not the Ring or Tristan. Secondly, taking this definition on board, I analyse the musical language of the opera, in particular the key structure. The central duet sung by the doomed lovers, Heinrich and Röschen, is in F major, almost the furthest possible distance from the home key of the opera (E major), which characterizes the forest and ‘nature’ in general; by contrast, the next scene, where the Kundry-like Iolanthe attempts to seduce Heinrich (a crucial reversal of the more conventional power relations of the love duet), sees a return to the home key. Thirdly, I set the hermeneutical implications of this reversal in the context of the decadent movement, with which late nineteenth-century Wagnerism was associated, and which, following the conviction of Oscar Wilde in 1895, was discredited. Der Wald thus failed because of its ‘guilt by association’ with an aesthetic that had fallen into disrepute.
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The I.O.D.E. as we currently know it today was founded in 1900 by Margaret Polson Murray of Montreal, who recognized a need for loyal support of Canadians departing to fight in the Boer War with the Empire forces in South Africa. She encouraged the formation of a federation of women to promote patriotism, loyalty and service to others. The first chapter was formed in Fredericton, New Brunswick on January 15th 1900. Primary chapters were formed in quick succession across Canada. In 1901, Edith Boulton Nordheimer was elected the first national president, the location of the head office became Toronto, Ontario and the federation was incorporated as Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire and Children of the Empire Junior Branch. The Earl Mountbatten Chapter was formed in 1947 and is continuing to be a functioning chapter at the time of writing this finding aid. During the 1970’s the name I.O.D.E. was officially adopted. It is a federally chartered not-for-profit, charitable organization. Structured to report under the jurisdiction of the National chapter are the Provincial chapters, the Municipal chapters and the Primary chapters. The I.O.D.E. is associated with the Victory League in England and Daughters of the British Empire in the United States and it is proud of its heritage and traditions. Queen Elizabeth II is the current patron of the organization and although chapters sometimes disband there are always new chapters forming, including e-chapters that meet through 21st century electronics.
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The I.O.D.E. as we currently know it today was founded in 1900 by Margaret Polson Murray of Montreal, who recognized a need for loyal support of Canadians departing to fight in the Boer War with the Empire RG310 page 2 forces in South Africa. She encouraged the formation of a federation of women to promote patriotism, loyalty and service to others. The first chapter was formed in Fredericton, New Brunswick on January 15th 1900. Primary chapters were formed in quick succession across Canada. In 1901, Edith Boulton Nordheimer was elected the first national president, the location of the head office became Toronto, Ontario and the federation was incorporated as Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire and Children of the Empire Junior Branch. The Second Dragoons Chapter was formed in 1933 and was disbanded in 1983, which was their 50th anniversary. During the 1970’s the name I.O.D.E. was officially adopted. It is a federally chartered not-for-profit, charitable organization. Structured to report under the jurisdiction of the National chapter are the Provincial chapters, the Municipal chapters and the Primary chapters. The I.O.D.E. is associated with the Victory League in England and Daughters of the British Empire in the United States and it is proud of its heritage and traditions. Queen Elizabeth II is the current patron of the organization and although chapters sometimes disband there are always new chapters forming, including e-chapters that meet through 21st century electronics
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The I.O.D.E. as we currently know it today was founded in 1900 by Margaret Polson Murray of Montreal, who recognized a need for loyal support of Canadians departing to fight in the Boer War with the Empire forces in South Africa. She encouraged the formation of a federation of women to promote patriotism, loyalty and service to others. The first chapter was formed in Fredericton, New Brunswick on January 15th 1900. Primary chapters were formed in quick succession across Canada. In 1901, Edith Boulton Nordheimer was elected the first national president, the location of the head office became Toronto, Ontario and the federation was incorporated as Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire and Children of the Empire Junior Branch. The Duke of Kent Chapter was formed in 1934 and was disbanded in 1980. During the 1970’s the name I.O.D.E. was officially adopted. It is a federally chartered not-for-profit, charitable organization. Structured to report under the jurisdiction of the National chapter are the Provincial chapters, the Municipal chapters and the Primary chapters. The I.O.D.E. is associated with the Victory League in England and Daughters of the British Empire in the United States and it is proud of its heritage and traditions. Queen Elizabeth II is the current patron of the organization and although chapters sometimes disband there are always new chapters forming, including e-chapters that meet through 21st century electronics.
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The Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire was founded by Margaret Polson Murray in 1900 following the outbreak of the second Boer War. The organization gave charitable aid to soldiers and it assisted the dependents of deceased soldiers. The federation of women was formed to promote patriotism, loyalty and service to others. The mayors of Canada’s major cities were urged to call together the prominent women of their communities to join in this endeavor. In 1979, the name I.O.D.E was officially adopted. The organization is federally chartered not-for-profit. The focus is on improving the quality of life for children, youth and the underprivileged through educational, social service and citizenship programs. The membership list for this chapter lists 1917 as the beginning date and 1994 as the end date. The Niagara Rangers Chapter was located in Niagara Falls, Ontario.
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The Imperial Order Daughters of the Empire was founded by Margaret Polson Murray in 1900 following the outbreak of the second Boer War. The organization gave charitable aid to soldiers and it assisted the dependents of deceased soldiers. The federation of women was formed to promote patriotism, loyalty and service to others. The mayors of Canada's major cities were urged to call together the prominent women of their communities to join in this endeavour. In 1979, the name I.O.D.E. was officially adopted. The organization is federally chartered not-for-profit. The focus is on improving the quality of life for children, youth and the underprivileged through education, social services and citizenship programs. The membership list for this chapter has 1932 as the beginning date. On September 12, 1994, the group was disbanded. The Stamford Chapter was located in Niagara Falls, Ontario.