988 resultados para Augustine of Hipona
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[EN] The "Christian Scientia" as it is presented in "De Doctrina Christiana" has two aspects: inventio, which corresponds to intellectio, to the understanding of the Holy Writings, and, on other hand, the exposition of the results obtained. These two sides are closely linked in his ideal of oratory: "dicere sapienter et eloquenter". On trying to acquire eloquence the main point is the "familiaritas" with the models, and these are the Writings and the Christian authors, the only models, as for content and form, that must be of any interest to the Christian orator. From this point of view the place left for standard rhetoric is very small.
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Resumen: Este artículo tiene por objeto a uno de los filósofos medievales más importantes del pensamiento occidental: nos referimos a Agustín de Hipona. En este escrito intentaremos examinar y analizar, primero, el contexto biográfico, social y político de su época, ya que no podemos pretender comprender el pensamiento de un filósofo fuera de las circunstancias en que dicho pensamiento se gestó; luego de analizar el contexto histórico intentaremos justificar la postura que sostiene que San Agustín fue realmente un pensador medieval, a pesar de que no se sitúe dentro de los límites temporales que señala la tradición para la Edad Media. En segundo lugar, intentaremos poner de manifiesto sus enseñanzas acerca de la verdad y de la justicia; y, finalmente, intentaremos ubicarlas dentro de los esquemas clasificatorios de Jorge Saltor y Nicasio Barrera.
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The thesis presents interpretations of Augustine of Hippo with regard to the first three chapters of genesis, the first book of the Bible. These interpretation are found in the works Literal Commentary on Genesis, concerning Genesis Against the Manicheans, Literal Commentary on Genesis, Unfinished, Books Xi-XIII of the Confessions, as well a brief exposition in Books XI-XIV of the City of God. Exposition of these Augustinian Commentaries seeks to demonstrate various interpretations made by author in one group of texts revealing a hermeneutics centered in the interpreter and not in established interpretive rules. In sequence there is described succinctly the evolution of textual hermeneutics during the modern period up to the reflections conducted by Martin Heidegger in the first half of the twenties. Based in Heidegger s existential commentaries on the Pauline Epistles (Galatians and I-II Thessalonians) and on the tenth Book of the Confessions, there is shown a return to a interpreter-based hermeneutics, such as practiced by Augustine. The concern manifested by Heidegger with regard to given bases foundations, existent in Dasein, foundations which can influence self-comprehension, constitute themselves in possibilities of explication as much for Augustinian interpretive variations, as for the existential approach applied by Heidegger to the Pauline epistles and Augustine s text
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El presente artículo se ocupa del enlace entre el pensar agustiniano y la filosofía antigua mostrando dos momentos de dicha relación: en primer lugar, la incorporación de la especulación platónico-neoplatónica como estructura filosófica imprescindible al pensar y, en segundo lugar, su particular reconfiguración desde la matriz intelectual cristiana. En ello, también se destaca cómo esta nueva cosmovisión se halla siempre presente en Agustín aun cuando pueda observarse que el creciente grado de inhesión de la fe en la vida del Obispo de Hipona permite advertir una renovada elaboración de la filosofía cristiana.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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no. 13. [Dalgairns, J.B.] St. Aelred; Pattison, M. St. Ninian.--no. 14. [Pattison, M.] St. Edmund; Ornsby, R. St. Richard; Dalgairns, J.B. St. Waltheof; St. Robert.
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Até o século IV d.C. era comum, entre os cristãos, a leitura do livro pseudepígrafo de I Enoque. O embrião da rejeição começou no século II, com Júlio Africano, e atingiu o seu auge no século IV com Agostinho de Hipona. Porém, o posicionamento oficial, no cristianismo ocidental, que descredenciou o escrito de I Enoque como uma literatura útil à fé, deu-se no Concílio de Laodiceia (Séc. IV) que afirmou que os únicos nomes de anjos autorizados pelas Escrituras seriam o de Miguel, Gabriel e Rafael, afastando I Enoque (que cita vários nomes de anjos) do cenário teológico, até épocas recentes no Ocidente. O grande personagem do cristianismo foi um homem reconhecido na Palestina como Rabi, título que pressupunha o conhecimento das principais literaturas apreciadas pelos judeus. É consenso entre a maioria dos estudiosos do Segundo Templo que o escrito de I Enoque ocupava um lugar distinto no cenário literário daquela época. A presente tese nasceu de uma desconfiança plausível, inserida dentro do contexto cultural do I século da era cristã, de que Jesus Cristo conhecia o livro de I Enoque. Mas, não somente isso, a desconfiança evoluiu para a possibilidade de que ele tenha feito uso do escrito construindo ensinos embasados no mesmo. A pesquisa teve como objetivo geral: Pesquisar a relação entre Jesus de Nazaré e o Escrito de I Enoque. No que se refere aos seus procedimentos técnicos, a pesquisa é de natureza bibliográfica, exploratória e documental. Para que esta pesquisa ganhasse forma, fizemos uso da proposta historiográfica do Jesus Histórico, bem como desenvolvemos uma metodologia chamada Análise dos Ditos de Jesus (ADJ), para ser utilizada na investigação de ditos atribuídos a Jesus contidos nos evangelhos. O primeiro capítulo, além de ser uma análise do livro de I Enoque abordando o escrito sobre várias perspectivas, foi construído objetivando trazer à academia brasileira as informações mais recentes sobre as pesquisas relacionadas a I Enoque, em diálogo com os principais pesquisadores da obra. O segundo capítulo foi desenvolvido com vistas a examinarmos, pela historiografia, o potencial de alguns ditos, de serem originários da pessoa de Jesus. O terceiro e último capítulo apresenta uma aproximação entre os ditos trabalhados e o livro de I Enoque. O resultado final indica que a literatura enoqueana pode ter ocupado um lugar de destaque entre os escritos estimados por Jesus Cristo.
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Esta pesquisa procura entender o pensamento de Agostinho de Hipona e de Martinho Lutero, especificamente, no que concerne a suas obras que abordam a temática da ética e da política. Particularmente, a compreensão das metáforas da Cidade de Deus e Cidade dos Homens em Agostinho, e a recepção e ressignifição efetuada por Lutero e a construção de suas metáforas dos Dois Reinos, ou Dois Regimentos, é foco central desta dissertação. Para tal, será usa-da a concepção do filósofo contemporâneo Paul Ricoeur e seu entendimento do papel da metáfora. Para articular estas ideias será necessário pensar e expor as ideias agostinianas sobre sua Teologia da História. Após este momento, estuda-se duas doutrinas que são fundamentais para o pensamento teológico do refor-mador alemão: a questão sobre a Justificação pela Fé e a integração com as Bo-as Obras. O estudo do pensamento destes autores terá como objetivo dialogar dois pensadores cristãos que continuam sendo usados até os dias atuais pelas igrejas, buscando perceber as oportunidades e limitações que suas reflexões podem trazer para a prática da igreja atual. Para que ela seja atuante e relevante para a construção de uma sociedade mais justa, fraterna e marcada pe-los valores de Cristo, tendo o amor como sua base sustentadora.
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Partiendo del estudio filológico y filosófico de textos autógrafos clásicos (Agustín de Hipona) y del siglo XX (Paul Claudel, André Frossard, Max Jacob, Manuel García Morente), se pretende la fijación de un esquema fenomenológico que se repite en los casos de conversión súbita en el ámbito católico, así como las imágenes arquetípicas que aparecen. Asimismo, se busca la catalogación de la conversión súbita dentro del estudio contemporáneo de la fenomenología de las religiones.
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The attitude of the medieval church towards violence before the First Crusade in 1095 underwent a significant institutional evolution, from the peaceful tradition of the New Testament and the Roman persecution, through the prelate-led military campaigns of the Carolingian period and the Peace of God era. It would be superficially easy to characterize this transformation as the pragmatic and entirely secular response of a growing power to the changing world. However, such a simplification does not fully do justice to the underlying theology. While church leaders from the 5th Century to the 11th had vastly different motivations and circumstances under which to develop their responses to a variety of violent activities, the teachings of Augustine of Hippo provided a unifying theme. Augustine’s just war theology, in establishing which conflicts are acceptable in the eyes of God, focused on determining whether a proper causa belli or basis for war exists, and then whether a legitimate authority declares and leads the war. Augustine masterfully integrated aspects of the Old and New Testaments to create a lasting and compelling case for his definition of justified violence. Although at different times and places his theology has been used to support a variety of different attitudes, the profound influence of his work on the medieval church’s evolving position on violence is clear.
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In his lessons of the Summer semester of 1921 called “St. Augustin and the Neo-Platonism"; M. Heidegger interprets the Bishop of Hipona from what he calls “the factitive experience of life". This experience would be indissolubly associated to became that turns the human existence historically placed in an ephemeral and transitory unit. Centering in the Book X of Confessiones, Heidegger makes a critic to the Augustinian notion of “memory", narrowly tied to his famous conception on time developed in the Book XIth of the same write. The philosopher from Freiburg affirms that, though Augustin has overcome the merely psychological conceptions about the memory, still he remains confined in the perspective of language of the traditional Metaphysics. This work tries to trace de Neo-Platonic roots of Augustinian thinking, ignored in the analysis of Heidegger, principally regarding Plotinus legacy and of another Platonic Christianized as Mario Victorinus, and to research this way in what measure that interpretation results faithful to the principal Augustinian intuitions.
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La noción de semejanza — similitudo — suele resultarle útil a Tomás de Aquino para explicar en qué consiste conocer. Recurre a ella para describir qué es la especie tanto inteligible como sensible así como el verbo mental. Sin embargo, el protagonismo de esta noción lleva anejos, al menos, dos problemas. Frecuentemente los especialistas pretenden explicarlo postulando un presunto precedente aristotélico. No obstante, examinada cuidadosamente, la obra del Estagirita proporciona escasas apariciones de la noción. En este trabajo examino la viabilidad de un precedente agustiniano para las recurrentes semejanzas del Aquinate. Y hay un segundo problema. ¿Cómo conciliar estas preponderantes semejanzas con el supuesto realismo directo que canónicamente se le ha imputado a Tomás? Con respecto a esto, critico algunas interpretaciones que anulan la semejanza tomándola como mero sinónimo de la identidad simpliciter. Finalmente, argumento la tesis de que, según Tomás, la eficacia noética de la semejanza estriba más en la diferencia que en la identidad.
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El artículo desarrolla en perspectiva filosófica y teológica las semejanzas entre los comentarios al Génesis de San Basilio, San Ambrosio y San Buenaventura, teniendo como texto base el comentario de San Agustín. El análisis detallado de las fuentes constata puntos de encuentro, influencias y continuidad en la tradición hexameral aquí representada.
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This study analyses Augustine s concept of concupiscentia, or evil desire (together with two cognate terms, libido and cupiditas) in the context of his entire oeuvre. By the aid of systematic analysis, the concept and its development is explored in four distinct ways. It is claimed that Augustine used the concept of concupiscentia for several theological purposes, and the task of the study is to represent these distinct functions, and their connections to Augustine s general theological and philosophical convictions. The study opens with a survey on terminology. A general overview of the occurrences of the negatively connoted words for desire in Latin literature precedes a corresponding examination of Augustine s own works. In this introductory chapter it is shown that, despite certain preferences in the uses of the words, a sufficient degree of synonymy reigns so as to allow an analysis of the concept without tightly discriminating between the terms. The theological functions of concupiscentia with its distinct contexts are analysed in separate chapters. The function of concupiscentia as a divine punishment is explored first (Ch 3). It is seen how Augustine links together concupiscentia and ideas about divine justice, and finally suggests that in the inordinate, psychologically experienced sexual desire, the original theological disobedience of Adam and Eve can be perceived. Augustine was criticized for this solution already in his own times, and the analysis of the function of concupiscentia as a divine punishment ends in a discussion on the critical response of punitive concupiscentia by Julian of Aeclanum. Augustine also attached to concupiscentia another central theological function by viewing evil desire as an inward originating cause for all external evil actions. In the study, this function is analysed by surveying two formally distinct images of evil desire, i.e. as the root (radix) of all evil, and as a threefold (triplex) matrix of evil actions (Ch 4). Both of these images were based on a single verse of the Bible (1 Jn 2, 16 and 1 Tim 6, 10). This function of concupiscentia was formed both parallel to, and in answer to, Manichaean insights into concupiscentia. Being familiar with the traditional philosophical discussions on the nature and therapy of emotions, Augustine situated concupiscentia also into this context. It is acknowledged that these philosophical traditions had an obvious impact into his way of explaining psychological processes in connection with concupiscentia. Not only did Augustine implicitly receive and exploit these traditions, but he also explicitly moulded and criticized them in connection with concupiscentia. Eventually, Augustine conceives the philosophical traditions of emotions as partly useful but also partly inadequate to deal with concupiscentia (Ch 5). The role of concupiscentia in connection to divine grace and Christian renewal is analysed in the final chapter of the study. Augustine s gradual development in internalizing the effects of concupiscentia also into the life of a baptized Christian are elucidated, as are the strong limitations and mitigations Augustine makes to the concept when attaching it into the life under grace (sub gratia). A crucial part in the development of this function is played by Augustine s changing interpretation of Rom 7, and the way concupiscentia appears in Augustine s readings of this text is therefore also analysed. As a result of the analysis of these four distinct functions and contexts of concupiscentia, it is concluded that Augustine s concept of concupiscentia is fairly tightly and coherently connected to his views of central theological importance. Especially the functions of concupiscentia as a punishment and the function of concupiscentia in Christian renewal were both tightly interwoven into Augustine s view of God s being and God s grace. The study shows the importance of reading Augustine s discussions on evil desire with a constant awareness of their role in their larger context, that is, of their function in each situation. The study warns against too simplistic and unifying readings of Augustine s concupiscentia, emphasizing the need to acknowledge both the necessitating, sinful aspects of concupiscentia, and the domesticated features of concupiscentia during Christian renewal.