Queering Paradigms II : Interrogating Agendas

This book offers a fundamental challenge to a variety of theoretical, social, and political paradigms, ranging from law and justice studies to popular culture, linguistics to political activism. Developing the intellectual project initiated in Queering Paradigms, this volume extends queer theorizing in challenging new directions and uses queer insights to explore, trouble, and interrogate the social, political, and intellectual agendas that pervade (and are often taken for granted within) public discourses and academic disciplines. The contributing authors include queer theorists, socio-linguists, sociologists, political activists, educators, social workers and criminologists. Together, they contribute not only to the ongoing process of theorizing queerly, but also to the critique and reformulation of their respective disciplines.

Introduction : queering paradigms, interrogating agendas

The introduction to the first volume of Queering Paradigms suggested that to queer a paradigm is to of fer a challenge to “the hetero/homonormative and gender binarist assumptions of any given academic discourse.” As queer subjects defy the “seduction of identity by exclusion,” and celebrate “the whole potential of sexuality and gender fluidity and diversity,” any attempt to understand them through the lenses offered by standard discourse is destined to fail (Scherer 2010: 2). “Queer” is not simply a synonym for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex and Questioning/Queer (LGBTIQ) subjects, as common use might suggest. Rather, it ought to be read as a reference to all who defy being pigeon-holed, pushed to the margins, or being pressured to adopt common social narratives regarding gender and sexuality.

Juggling competing public values : resolving conflicting agendas in social procurement in Queensland

Organisations within the not-for-profit sector provide services to individuals and groups government and for-profit organisations cannot or will not consider. This response by the not-for-profit sector to market failure and government failure is a well understood contribution to society by the nonprofit sector. Over time, this response has resulted in the development of a vibrant and rich agglomeration of services and programs that operate under a myriad of philosophical stances, service orientations, client groupings and operational capacities. In Australia, these organisations and services provide social support and service assistance to many people in the community; often targeting their assistance to clients facing the most difficult of clients with complex problems. Initially, in undertaking this role, the not-for-profit sector received limited sponsorship from government, relying on primarily on public donations to fund the delivery of services. (Lyons 2001). Over time governments assumed greater responsibility in the form of service grants to particular groups: ‘the worthy poor’. More recently, government has engaged in widespread procurement of services from the not-for-profit sector, which specify the nature of the outcomes to be achieved and, to a degree, the way in which the services will be provided. A consequence of this growing shift to a more marketised model of service contracting, often offered-up under the label of enhanced collaborative practice, has been increased competitiveness between agencies that had previously worked well together (Keast and Brown, 2006). One of the challenges which emerge from the procurement of services by government from third sector organisations is that public values such as effectiveness, efficiency, transparency and professionalism can be neglected (Jørgensen and Bozeman 2002), although this is not always the case (Brown, Furneaux and Gudmundsson 2012). While some approaches to the examination of social procurement - the intentional purchasing of social outcomes (Furneaux and Barraket 2011) - assumes that public values are lost in social procurement arrangements (Bozeman 2002; Jørgensen and Bozeman 2002), alternative approach suggest such inevitability is not the case. Instead, social procurement is seen to involve a set of tensions (Brown, Potoski and Slyke 2006) or a set of trade offs (Charles et al. 2007), which must be managed, and through such management, public values can be potentially safeguarded (Bruin and Dicke 2006). The potential trade-offs of public values in social procurement is an area in need of further research, and one which carries both theoretical and practical significance. Additionally, the juxtaposition of policies – horizontal integration and vertical efficiency – results in a complex, crowded and contested policy and practice environment (Keast et al., 2007),, with the potential for set of unintentional consequences arising from these arrangements. Further the involvement of for-profit, non-profit, and hybrid organisations such as social enterprises, adds further complexity in the number of different organisational forms engaged in service delivery on behalf of government. To address this issue, this paper uses information gleaned from a state-wide survey of not-for-profit organisations in Queensland, Australia which included within its focus organisational size, operational scope, funding arrangements and governance/management approaches. Supplementing this information is qualitative data derived from 17 focus groups and 120 interviews conducted over ten years of study of this sector. The findings contribute to greater understanding of the practice and theory of the future provision of social services.

Governing Prostitution: New Formations, Old Agendas

Recent governmentality literature distinguishes between government from above and government “from below” in an attempt to avoid “top-down” analyzes of state-centered government and to acknowledge the multiple and diverse ways in which the governance is achieved. By analyzing key shifts and changes in the regulation of prostitution in the UK in the last three decades, it is possible to complicate the distinction between the two modes of government. Whilst some writers highlight the ways in which government from above and below become increasingly blurred, this article argues that although the agendas and modes of government from above and below are difficult to disentangle, the effects on sex workers are not. Regulation remains rooted within coercive and punitive state-centered criminal justice responses, even though organizations “from below” may well be the very organizations tasked by the state with carried out those responses.

Responsibility to protect and women, peace and security : aligning the protection agendas

In Responsibility to Protect and Women, Peace and Security: Aligning the Protection Agendas, editors Davies, Nwokora, Stamnes and Teitt address the intersections of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle and the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. Widespread or systematic sexual or gender-based violence is a war crime, a crime against humanity and an act of genocide, all of which are clearly addressed in the R2P principle. The protection of those at risk of widespread sexual violence is therefore not only relative to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, but a fundamental sovereign obligation for all states as part of their commitment to R2P. Contributions from policy-makers and academics consider both the merits and the utility of aligning the protection agendas of R2P and WPS. Ultimately, a number of actionable recommendations are made concerning a unification of the agendas to best support the global empowerment of women and prevention of mass atrocities.

Innovating urban policymaking and planning mechanisms to deliver knowledge-based agendas : a methodological approach

This paper aims to develop a comprehensive approach to innovate urban policymaking and planning to successfully deliver the knowledge-based agenda. The paper, first, examines the concept of knowledge-based urban development, which has become a popular urban development policy and strategy in recent years, through a comprehensive review of the literature. It, then, introduces and discusses a novel methodological approach for effective policymaking and planning mechanism to deliver the knowledge-based agenda of cities. The paper, with the proposed methodology, brings together urban policymaking and planning approaches, and introduces a novel way to assess knowledge-based urban development achievements and potentials of emerging and prosperous knowledge cities. The paper, thus, provides an invaluable instrument to inform local and regional decision and plan making mechanisms to deliver their knowledge-based agendas and help them in moving towards building their sustainable knowledge cities.

Tensions between policy and practice : reconciliation agendas in the Australian curriculum English

In various parts of the world, Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples are actively working towards Reconciliation. In Australia, the context in which we each undertake our work as educationalists and researchers, the Reconciliation agenda has been pushed into schools and English teachers have been called on to share responsibility for facilitating the move towards a new national order. The recently introduced Australian Curriculum mandates that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Histories and Cultures be embedded with “a strong” but “varying presence” into each learning area (Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority, 2013). In this paper we consider the tensions between policy and practice, when discourses external to education are recontextualised into the discipline of English. We do so by applying an analytical framework based on Bernstein’s (1990, 1996,2000) sociological theories about the structure of instructional and regulative discourses. Our findings suggest that the space to exert Reconciliatory agendas in the Australian Curriculum English is ambiguous and thus holds the potential to not only marginalise Indigenous knowledges but also to create tensions between policy and practice for non-Indigenous teachers of English.

Changing agendas in international research in mathematics education

Handbooks serve an important function for our research community in providing state-of-the-art summations, critiques, and extensions of existing trends in research. In the intervening years between the second and third editions of the Handbook of International Research in Mathematics Education, there have been stimulating developments in research, as well as new challenges in translating outcomes into practice. This third edition incorporates a number of new chapters representing areas of growth and challenge, in addition to substantially updated chapters from the second edition. As such, the Handbook addresses five core themes, namely, Priorities in International Mathematics Education Research, Democratic Access to Mathematics Learning, Transformations in Learning Contexts, Advances in Research Methodologies, and Influences of Advanced Technologies...

Beyond social justice agendas: Indigenous knowledges in pre-service teacher education and practice in Australia

The space and positioning of Indigenous knowledges (IK) within Australian curricula and pedagogy are often contentious, informed by the broader Australian socio-cultural, political and economic landscape. Against changing educational policy, historically based on the myth of terra nullius, we discuss the shifting priorities for embedding Indigenous knowledges in educational practice in university and school curricula and pedagogy. In this chapter, we argue that personal and professional commitment to social justice is an important starting point for embedding Indigenous knowledges in the Australian school curricula and pedagogy. Developing teacher knowledge around embedding IK is required to enable teachers’ preparedness to navigate a contested historical/colonising space in curriculum decision-making, teaching and learning. We draw one mpirical data from a recent research project on supporting pre-service teachers as future curriculum leaders; the project was funded by the Office of Learning and Teaching (OLT). This project aimed to support future curriculum leaders to develop their knowledge of embedding IK at one Australian university. We propose supporting the embedding of IK in situ with pre-service teachers and their supervising teachers on practicum in real, sustained and affirming ways that shifts the recognition of IK from personal commitment to social justice in education, to one that values Indigenous knowledges as content to educate (Connell, 1993). We argue that sustained engagement with and appreciation of IKhas the potential to decolonise Australian curricula, shift policy directions and enhance race relations between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians .

Transformações da representação nas agendas políticas de aprimoramento da democracia

Este trabalho procura abordar desenvolvimentos teóricos recentes dos estudos sobre democracia, com foco na democratização dos governos representativos, a partir da ênfase na participação social, nas transformações da idéia de representação política e na proliferação de novos espaços de deliberação pública. Sob esse pano de fundo, analisamos a criação e estruturação do Poder Cidadão no Equador, com ênfase em seu organismo fundamental, o Conselho de Participação Cidadã e Controle Social (CPC), o qual desempenha a dupla função de incentivar os âmbitos locais de deliberação e participação político-propositivos, e promover o controle social do Estado. Nesse sentido, o quinto poder da República equatoriana evidencia a ênfase concedida pela Constituição de 2008 à participação social e à redefinição das relações de representação política. Argumentamos, sobretudo, que o atual processo de refundação estatal vivido pelo país perpassa a institucionalização da participação e dos novos atores e lugares da representação política como forma de irrigação da esfera pública e reaproximação entre política e cidadania, debatendo algumas das potencialidades e desafios envolvidos nessa trajetória.

Atores e agendas da política externa brasileira para a África e a instrumentalização da cooperação em segurança alimentar (2003-2010)

Durante os dois mandatos presidenciais de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), percebeu-se, em virtude de pressões intra e extraburocráticas e de causalidades sistêmicas, maior acentuação do esboroamento da histórica condição insular do Ministério das Relações Exteriores (MRE). A participação de novos entes que não o Itamaraty na configuração da política externa, notadamente em seu vetor de execução, enseja novas agendas cooperativas e processos decisórios. Atores da burocracia federal, como os ministérios, vocalizam preferências que influenciam o jogo interburocrático e têm o condão de estabelecer possíveis pontes com a instituição diplomática, unidade de decisão por excelência. Na perspectiva intraburocrática, a ascensão de corrente de ação e de pensamento dos autonomistas, frente aos institucionalistas pragmáticos, permite escolhas de inserção internacional como o reforço da perspectiva sul-sul, na qual se inserem as parcerias com a África, o que indica a inexistência de monolitismo de opiniões no interior do MRE. Essa dinâmica faz-se presente e é necessária para o entendimento da Cooperação Brasileira para o Desenvolvimento Internacional (CBDI), tipo de Cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS) do Brasil que tem na Cooperação Técnica, Científica e Tecnológica (CTC&T) em segurança alimentar uma de suas modalidades mais atuantes e complexas. Convencionada como instrumento de política externa durante a ascendência dos autonomistas, corrente influenciada por quadros do Partido dos Trabalhadores, a cooperação em segurança alimentar teve o continente africano como locus primordial de manifestação. Embasado na internacionalização de políticas públicas domésticas, o compartilhamento de conhecimentos nas agendas de combate à fome, de combate à pobreza e de desenvolvimento agrário é fenômeno tributário da abertura da caixa preta estatal, o que ratifica o argumento de que há correlação entre níveis de análise. As diversas iniciativas cooperativas para com parceiros da outra margem do Atlântico Sul, eivadas de componente retórico de promoção de ordem internacional menos assimétrica, donde também subjace a busca consecução de interesses diretos e indiretos dos formuladores diplomáticos, guardam relação com as diretrizes mais gerais da política externa articulada no período estudado nesta dissertação.