5 resultados para Noam Chomsky

em Repositório da Produção Científica e Intelectual da Unicamp


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The aim of this paper is to discuss some rhythmic differences between European and Brazilian Portuguese and their relationship to pretonic vowel reduction phenomena. After the basic facts of PE and PB are presented, we show that the issue cannot be discussed without taking into account secondary stress placement, and we proceed to present the algorithm-based approach to secondary stress in Portuguese, representative of Metrical Phonology analyses. After showing that this deterministic approach cannot adequately explain the variable position of secondary stress in both languages regarding words with an even number of pretonic syllables, we argue for the interpretation of secondary stress and therefore for the construction of rhythmic units at the PF interface, as suggested in Chomsky s Minimalist Program. We also propose, inspired by the constrain hierarchies as proposed in Optimality Theory, that such interpretation must take into account two different constraint rankings, in EP and BP. These different rankings would ultimately explain the rhythmic differences between both languages, as well as the different behavior of pretonic vowels with respect to reduction processes.

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This article shows that the term functionalism, very often understood as a single or uniform approach in linguistics, has to be understood in its different perspectives. I start by presenting an opposing conception similar to the I-language vs E-language in Chomsky (1986). As in the latter conception , language can be understood as an abstract model of a mind internal mechanism responsible for language production and perception or, as in the former one, it can be the description of the external use of language. Also like with formalists , there are functionalists who look for cross-linguistic variation (and universals of language use) and functionalists who look for language internal variation. It is also shown that functionalists can differ in the extent to which social variables are considered in the explanation of linguistic form.

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In this paper I present some evidencie that forces us to conclude that within the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1993; 1995), Binding Theory (BT) should be computed after LF (Logical Form). I show that derivations leading to structures containing violations of BT-Principles must converge at LF, since less economical alternative derivations respecting those principles are also ungrammatical. Being irrelevant to the notion of convergence, BT must apply after LF. A similar reasoning reveals that the Theta-Criterion should have the status of a bare output condition appling at LF, since less economical derivations are allowed by the computational system to prevent violations of it.

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This paper argues that the distinction between deletion and erasure proposed by Chomsky (1995) to account for different checking possibilities should be abandoned on both conceptual and empirical grounds. As an alternative, the paper outlines an analysis based solely on deletion.

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This paper argues in favor of a concord features valuing within the DP in terms of the Agree operation (Chomsky, 1999), with no recourse to any other mechanism. I show that Agree accounts for feature valuing both in the sentence level as well as in the DP, contrary to Chomsky's (1999) suggestion that concord in DP should involve some other checking mechanism.