21 resultados para Euro Collins solution

em Archive of European Integration


Motion for a Resolution tabled by the following Members: van Aerssen, Adonnino, Aigner, Alber, Albers, von Alemann, Almirante, Ansquer, Antoniozzi, Arndt, Baduel-Glorioso, Bangemann, Barbagli, Barbi, Battersby, Baudis, Berkhouwer, Bersani, Lord Bethell, Bettiza, Beumer, Beyer de Ryke, von Bismarck, Bocklet, Bombard, Bonaccini, Boot, Bord, Bournias, Boyes, Brok, Calvez, Cerettoni Romagnoli, Casanmagnano-Cerretti, Sir Fred Catherwood, Cecovini, Chanterie, Clinton, Colleselli, Collins, Collomb, Costanzo, Couste, Cronin, Croux, Curry, Dalsass, D'Angelosante, Davern, De Gucht, Delatte, Del Duca, Deleau, Delorozoy, Deschamps, Diana, Diligent, Lord Douro, Dury, Eisma, Lady Elles, Enright, Estgen, Ewing, Fellermaier, Fergusson, de Ferranti, Ferrero, Ferri, Fich, Filippi, Fischbach, Flanagan, Focke, Franz, Ingo Friedrich, Fruh, Karl Fuchs, Fuillet, Gabert, Gaiotti de Biase, Gallacher, Awronski, Gerokostopoulos, Geursten, Ghergo, Giavazzi, Glinne, de Goede, Gontikas, Goppel, Gouthier, Gredal, Haagerup, Habsburg, Hansch, Hahn, Lord Harmar-Nicholls, von Hassel, Helms, Herklotz, Herman, van den Heuvel, Hoff, K.H. Hoffmann, Hooper, Hopper, Hord, Hume, Ippolito, Irmer, Israel, Robert Jackson, Jakobsen, Janssen van Raay, Johnson, Jonker, Jurgens, Kallias, Kaloyannis, Katzer, Kazazis, Kellett-Bowman, M. Elaine Kellett-Bowman, Key, Klepsch, Klinkenborg, Kuhn, Lagakos, Langes, Lecanuet, Lega, Lemmer, Lentz-Cornette, Lenz, Leonardi, Ligios, Louwes, Lucker, Luster, Macario, McCartin, Maher, Maij-Weggen, Majonica, Malangre, de la Malene, Marck, Mart, Simone Martin, Mertens, Michel, van Minnen, Modiano, Moller, Mommersteeg, Moorhouse, Jacques Moreau, Moreland, Mouchel, Muller-Hermann, Muntingh, Narducci, Newton Dunn, J.B. Nielsen, Calliopi Nikolaou, Konstantinos Nikolaou, Nord, Normanton, Notenboom, Nyborg, O'Donnel, Lord O'Hagan, d'Ormesson, Paisley, Pennella, Papaefstratiou, Patterson, Paulhan, Pauwelyn, Decaestecker, Pearce, Pedini, Pelikan, Penders, Pery, Pesmazoglou, Peters, Pfennig, Pflimlin, Phlix, Plaskovitis, Pottering, Poniatowski, Price, Protopapadakis, Pruvot, Purvis, Rabbethge, Sir Brandon Rhys Williams, Rieger, Rinsche, Ripa di Meana, Roberts, Rogalla, Rogers, Ruffolo, Rumor, Ryan, Salzer, Sassano, Prinz Sayn Wittgenstein-Berleburg, Schall, Schieler, Schinzel, Schleicher, Schmid, Schnitker, Karl Schon, Konrad Schon, Schwencke, Sir James Scott-Hopkins, Scrivener, Seal, Seefeld, Seeler, Segre, Seibel-Emmerling, Seitlinger, Seligmann, Sherlock, Sieglerschmidt, Simmonds, Simonnet, Simpson, Spencer, Spicer, Spinelli, Squarcialupi, Stella, Sir John Stewart-Clark, Sutra, Tolman, Travaglini, Tuckman, Turner, Tyrrell, Vandewiele, Sir Peter Vanneck, van Rompuy, Vergeer, Veronesi, Verroken, Vetter, von der Vring, Walz, Sir Fred Warner, Wawrzik, Weber, Wedekind, Welsh, Wieczorek-Zeul, von Wogau and Zecchino, pursuant to Rule 47 of the Rules of Procedure on the foundation of a Euro-Arab University for postgraduate students at one of the traditional meeting places of Islamic and European culture on Spanish Soil, Working Documents 1982-1983, Document 1-515/82, 16 July 1982

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Summary: Overall the monetary pillar of the EMU project has worked well so that it is incorrect to speak of a 'euro' crisis though it is at the epicentre of the present crisis. The origins of the problems it is facing have more to do with the economic component, particularly because of the breach of budgetary rules which points to a failure of politics. Hence the solution must be political, namely a strong commitment by governments to achieve balanced budgets and implement structural reforms so as to lay the basis for improved competitiveness, job creation and sustainable growth.

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About ten days ago Alexis Tsipras, the Greek prime minister, announced that there was going to be a referendum, and thus terminated the negotiations on a new rescue package unilaterally. Since then the euro area has been plunged into a wholly unprecedented political crisis. Whether or not Greece can re-main in the monetary union is more uncertain than ever, and decisions that can give a new twist to the political and financial situation are being made almost every day. The Greek banks have been closed for over a week. The economic data are deteriorating rapidly. And yet a solution is nowhere to be seen. The No vote in the Greek referendum has not exactly improved the chances of reaching an agree-ment. For the time being the positions seem to have become uncompromising. At the summit of the heads of state and government on 7 July the Greek government was given five days and a “final deadline” in order to come up with viable proposals for reform. Thus the next few days are of crucial im-portance. At the weekend the heads of state and government of all 28 EU member states are going to meet in order to decide the future of Greece. This flashlight europe provides an overview of the events of the last few days, outlines possible scenarios for what may happen in the near future, and identifies factors which may exert an influence in the short term. We are not trying to give an exact forecast or to formulate action recommendations. But we are trying to shed some light on a confusing situation by identifying important patterns and some of the salient factors.

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The financial crisis has exposed the need to devise stronger and broader international and regional safety nets in order to deal with economic and financial shocks and allow for countries to adjust. The euro area has developed several such mechanisms over the last couple of years through a process of trial and error and gradual enhancement and expansion. Their overall architecture remains imperfect and leaves areas of vulnerabilities. This paper provides an overview of the recent financial stability mechanisms and their various shortcomings and tries to brush the outline of a more comprehensive safety net architecture that would coherently address the banking, sovereign and external imbalances crises against both transitory and more permanent shocks. It aims to provide a roadmap for further improvements of the current mechanism and the creation of new devices including a banking resolution mechanism and amore powerfulmechanismto provide financial assistance addressing both the sovereign and external dimensions of the shocks thereby reducing the need for the ECB to fill the current void.

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Greece, Portugal and Spain face a serious risk of external solvency due to their close to minus 100 percent of GDP net negative international investment positions, which are largely composed of debt. The perceived inability of these countries to rebalance their external positions is a major root of the euro crisis. Intra-euro rebalancing through declines in unit labour costs (ULC) in southern Europe, and ULC increases in northern Europe should continue, but has limits because: The share of intra-euro trade has declined. Intra-euro trade balances have already adjusted to a great extent. The intra-euro real exchange rates of Greece, Portugal and Spain have also either already adjusted or do not indicate significant appreciations since 2000. There are only two main current account surplus countries, Germany and the Netherlands. A purely intra-euro adjustment strategy would require too-significant wage increases in northern countries and wage declines in southern countries, which do not seem to be feasible. Before the crisis, the euro was significantly overvalued despite the close-to balanced current account position. The euro has depreciated recently, but more is needed to support the extra-euro trade of southern euro-area members. A weaker euro would also boost exports, growth, inflation and wage increases in Germany, thereby helping further intra-euro adjustment and the survival of the euro.

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Many factors have contributed to the euro crisis. Some have been addressed by policymakers, even if belatedly, and European Union member states have been willing to improve the functioning of the euro area by agreeing to relinquish national sovereignty in some important areas. However, the most pressing issue threatening the integrity, even the existence, of the euro, has not been addressed: the deepening economic contraction in southern euro-area member states. The common interest lies in preserving the integrity of the euro area and in offering these countries improved prospects. Domestic structural reform and appropriate fiscal consolidation, wage increases and slower fiscal consolidation in economically stronger euro-area countries, a weaker euro exchange rate, debt restructuring and an investment programme should be part of the arsenal. In the medium term, more institutional change will be necessary to complement the planned overhaul of the euro area institutional framework. This will include the deployment of a euro-area economic stabilising tool, managing the overall fiscal stance of the euro area, some form of Eurobonds and measures to make euro-area level decision making bodies more effective and democratically legitimate.

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Against the background of the IMF’s latest global economic forecast, Jørgen Mortensen and Cinzia Alcidi raise questions in a new CEPS Commentary about the timing of the implementation and the effects of the three main categories of economic policy – fiscal, monetary and structural.

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This Commentary attempts to discern the distinguishing features between the present euro crisis and the financial crisis brought on in the US by the subprime lending disaster and the ensuing collapse of banks and other financial institutions in 2007-08. It finds that whereas the US was able to bring its crisis to an end by socialising the dubious debt and stabilising its valuation so that it could migrate to other investors capable of bearing the risk, this pattern can be only partly repeated in the eurozone, where both debt socialisation and a return to normal risk assessment are more problematic.. It concludes, nevertheless, that the crisis should now abate somewhat given that most risk-averse institutions have by now sold their holdings of peripheral countries’ sovereign debt and especially in light of the ECB’s assurances that it will not allow the euro to disintegrate.