13 resultados para Women Political Leadership

em Scielo Saúde Pública - SP


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Critical assessment of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva's diplomacy, which departed from the previous patterns of the Brazilian Foreign Service, to align itself with the political conceptions of the Workers' Party. This diplomacy has neither consolidated the position of Brazil as a regional leader, nor attained its declared goal of inserting Brazil into the United Nations Security Council, although it has reinforced Brazil's image in the international scenarios; but this was achieved much more through the personal activism of the President himself, than through normal diplomatic work.

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This article discusses Brazil's multilateral policy under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's administration, highlighting economic, political and environmental themes. The main argument is that Brazil's multilateral relations during this government reached a new significance with the reinforcement of international coalitions and the articulation with the country's new development model. The country has been using multilateral forums as a way to achieve international projection and support for its development project, highlighting bargaining aspects, variable geometry coalitions and the strengthening of South-South cooperation

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Utilizing China's leadership projects in the Great Mekong Sub-Region (GMS) as a case study, this paper aims to investigate whether China qualifies as an international leader. This work argues that its geographic position and economic rise allow China to be a "system maker and privilege taker," which is a dual role forming in economic-political relations in the GMS in the last ten years. China is among major driving forces to set up an economic zone in GMS. Growing Chinese regional power is intimately related to the creation of various hubs connecting regional transportation, communication and energy systems that foster the economic development of this region. However, China also proves dark sides of rising powers which take advantage of their privileges to gain benefits. As a "system maker" with its own position and capability, China has notably benefited from building hydropower systems. More importantly, while China is pursuing its benefits and privileges, its hydropower projects have caused some negative effects for the ecosystem in the region. The inflation of dam constructions in both China and GMS countries is raising concerns about using natural resources of the Mekong River. Our concluding part addresses the pressing need to start a serious discussion on the balance between national interests and regional solidarity within the formulation of Chinese foreign policy in GMS.

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This study tries to understand how Brazil and Argentina, two countries with chronically high inflation, achieved permanent stabilization by looking at political factors necessary for stabilization. It suggests that, although state autonomy or political unity may contribute to successful price stabilization, reconciling the interests of different stakeholders and thereby building a broad political support base is more essential for stabilization to succeed. Political skills of the leaders and compensatory policies may help raise such support and they are more crucial where other political conditions are less favorable. Also, rapid improvement in the economy is important for sustained political support, and thus, for successful stabilization.

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This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption". However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.

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The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.

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This article tests the presence of political budget cycle (PBC) in municipal elections in Brazil and checks whether mayors who adopt such policy have greater probability of reelection. Based on fiscal and electoral data of 5,406 Brazilian municipalities and applying the difference-in-differences econometric method as well as logistic regressions, the results provide some evidence of PBC in Brazil, although its magnitude and consistency varies depending on the years used as electoral and non-electoral years. On average, reelectable mayors spend close to 3% more in election years than nonreelectables. Moreover, reelectables who do run for reelection present a variation in spending which is close to 5% superior to that of non-reelectables and non-runners. Additionally, the results suggest that mayors who increase public spending during electoral periods have greater chances of being reelected, as long as such spending is done within deficit limits acceptable by voters.

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OBJECTIVE: In order to determine the relationship between some maternal anthropometric indicators and birth weight, crown-heel length and newborn's head circumference, 92 pregnant women were followed through at the prenatal service of hospital in S. Paulo, Brazil. MATERIAL AND METHOD: The following variables were established for the mother: weight, height, mid-upper arm circumference, pre-pregnancy weight, gestational weight gain and Quetelet's index. For the newborn the following variables were recorded: birth weight, crown-heel length, head circumference and gestational age by Dubowitz's method. RESULTS: Significant associations were noted between gestational age and newborn variables. In addition, maternal mid-arm circumference (MUAC) and pre-pregnancy weight were found to be positively correlated to birth weight (r=0.399; r=0.378, respectively). The multivariate linear regression shows that gestational age, mother's arm circumference and pre-pregnancy weight continue to be significant predictors of birth weight. On the other hand, only gestational age and mother's age was associated with crown-heel length. Similarly MUAC was significantly associated with crown-heel length (r= 0.306; P=0.0030). CONCLUSION: Maternal mid-upper arm circumference is a potential indicator of maternal nutritional status. It could be used in association with other anthropometric measurements, instead of pre-pregnancy weight, as an alternative indicator to assess women at risk of poor pregnancy outcome.

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INTRODUCTION: In Mexico, breast cancer (BC) is one of the main causes of cancer deaths in women, with increasing incidence and mortality in recent years. Therefore, the aim of the study is identify possible risk factors related to BC. METHODS: An epidemiological study of hospital cases of BC and controls with cervical uterine cancer (CUCA) was carried out at eight third level concentration hospitals in Mexico City. The total of 353 incident cases of BC and 630 controls with CUCA were identified among women younger than 75 years who had been residents of the metropolitan area of Mexico City for at least one year. Diagnosis was confirmed histologically in both groups. Variables were analyzed according to biological and statistical plausibility criteria. Univariate, bivariate and multivariate analyses were carried out. Cases and controls were stratified according to the menopausal hormonal status (pre and post menopause). RESULTS: The factors associated with BC were: higher socioeconomic level (OR= 2.77; 95%CI = 1.77 - 4.35); early menarche (OR= 1.32; 95%CI= 0.88 - 2.00); old age at first pregnancy (>31 years: OR= 5.49; 95%CI= 2.16 - 13.98) and a family history of BC (OR= 4.76; 95% CI= 2.10 - 10.79). In contrast, an increase in the duration of the breastfeeding period was a protective factor (>25 months: OR= 0.38; 95%CI= 0.20 - 0.70). CONCLUSIONS: This study contributes to the identification of risk factors for BC described in the international literature, in the population of Mexican women. Breastfeeding appears to play an important role in protecting women from BC. Because of changes in women`s lifestyles, lactation is decreasing in Mexico, and young women tend not to breastfeed or to shorten the duration of lactation.

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INTRODUCTION: Although obesity is well recognized as a current public health problem, its prevalence and impact among pregnant women have been less investigated in Brazil. The objective of the study was to evaluate the impact of pre-obesity and obesity among pregnant women, describing its prevalence and risk factors, and their association with adverse pregnancy outcomes. METHODS: A cohort of 5,564 pregnant women, aged 20 years or more, enrolled at aproximately 20 to 28 weeks of pregnancy, seen in prenatal public clinics of six state capitals in Brazil were followed up, between 1991 and 1995. Prepregnancy weight, age, educational level and parity were obtained from a standard questionnaire. Height was measured in duplicate and the interviewer assigned the skin color. Nutritional status was defined using body mass index (BMI), according to World Health Organization (WHO) criteria. Odds ratios and 95% confidence interval were calculated using logistic regression. RESULTS: Age-adjusted prevalences (and 95% CI) based on prepregnancy weight were: underweight 5.7% (5.1%-6.3%), overweight 19.2% (18.1%-20.3%), and obesity 5.5% (4.9%-6.2%). Obesity was more frequently observed in older black women, with a lower educational level and multiparous. Obese women had higher frequencies of gestational diabetes, macrosomia, hypertensive disorders, and lower risk of microsomia. CONCLUSIONS: Overweight nutritional status (obesity and pre-obesity) was seen in 25% of adult pregnant women and it was associated with increased risk for several adverse pregnancy outcomes, such as gestational diabetes and pre-eclampsia.