O planejamento econômico no Brasil: considerações críticas

In the past thirty years, a series of plans have been developed by successive Brazilian governments in a continuing effort to maximize the nation's resources for economic and social growth. This planning history has been quantitatively rich but qualitatively poor. The disjunction has stimulated Professor Mello e Souza to address himself to the problem of national planning and to offer some criticisms of Brazilian planning experience. Though political instability has obviously been a factor promoting discontinuity, his criticisms are aimed at the attitudes and strategic concepts which have sought to link planning to national goals and administration. He criticizes the fascination with techniques and plans to the exclusion of proper diagnosis of the socio-political reality, developing instruments to coordinate and carry out objectives, and creating an administrative structure centralized enough to make national decisions and decentralized enough to perform on the basis of those decisions. Thus, fixed, quantified objectives abound while the problem of functioning mechanisms for the coordinated, rational use of resources has been left unattended. Although his interest and criticism are focused on the process and experience of national planning, he recognized variation in the level and results of Brazilian planning. National plans have failed due to faulty conception of the function of planning. Sectorial plans, save in the sector of the petroleum industry under government responsibility, ha e not succeeded in overcoming the problems of formulation and execution thereby repeating old technical errors. Planning for the private sector has a somewhat brighter history due to the use of Grupos Executivos which has enabled the planning process to transcend the formalism and tradition-bound attitudes of the regular bureaucracy. Regional planning offers two relatively successful experiences, Sudene and the strategy of the regionally oriented autarchy. Thus, planning history in Brazil is not entirely black but a certain shade of grey. The major part of the article, however, is devoted to a descriptive analysis of the national planning experience. The plans included in this analysis are: The Works and Equipment Plan (POE); The Health, Food, Transportation and Energy Plan (Salte); The Program of Goals; The Trienal Plan of Economic and Social Development; and the Plan of Governmental Economic Action (Paeg). Using these five plans for his historical experience the author sets out a series of errors of formulation and execution by which he analyzes that experience. With respect to formulation, he speaks of a lack of elaboration of programs and projects, of coordination among diverse goals, and of provision of qualified staff and techniques. He mentions the absence of the definition of resources necessary to the financing of the plan and the inadequate quantification of sectorial and national goals due to the lack of reliable statistical information. Finally, he notes the failure to coordinate the annual budget with the multi-year plans. He sees the problems of execution as beginning in the absence of coordination between the various sectors of the public administration, the failure to develop an operative system of decentralization, the absence of any system of financial and fiscal control over execution, the difficulties imposed by the system of public accounting, and the absence of an adequate program of allocation for the liberation of resources. He ends by pointing to the failure to develop and use an integrated system of political economic tools in a mode compatible with the objective of the plans. The body of the article analyzes national planning experience in Brazil using these lists of errors as rough model of criticism. Several conclusions emerge from this analysis with regard to planning in Brazil and in developing countries, in general. Plans have generally been of little avail in Brazil because of the lack of a continuous, bureaucratized (in the Weberian sense) planning organization set in an instrumentally suitable administrative structure and based on thorough diagnoses of socio-economic conditions and problems. Plans have become the justification for planning. Planning has come to be conceived as a rational method of orienting the process of decisions through the establishment of a precise and quantified relation between means and ends. But this conception has led to a planning history rimmed with frustration, and failure, because of its rigidity in the face of flexible and changing reality. Rather, he suggests a conception of planning which understands it "as a rational process of formulating decisions about the policy, economy, and society whose only demand is that of managing the instrumentarium in a harmonious and integrated form in order to reach explicit, but not quantified ends". He calls this "planning without plans": the establishment of broad-scale tendencies through diagnosis whose implementation is carried out through an adjustable, coherent instrumentarium of political-economic tools. Administration according to a plan of multiple, integrated goals is a sound procedure if the nation's administrative machinery contains the technical development needed to control the multiple variables linked to any situation of socio-economic change. Brazil does not possess this level of refinement and any strategy of planning relevant to its problems must recognize this. The reforms which have been attempted fail to make this recognition as is true of the conception of planning informing the Brazilian experience. Therefore, unworkable plans, ill-diagnosed with little or no supportive instrumentarium or flexibility have been Brazil's legacy. This legacy seems likely to continue until the conception of planning comes to live in the reality of Brazil.

Understanding local governance: an international perspective

Enormous change and innovation in governmental practices are occurring throughout the world. Local governance, in particular, has become a concern in many countries. Processes such as redemocratization and decentralization and imperatives of international lending agencies have focused attention on developing good governance practices. Improvement in local government remains a high priority in most countries, but unless the relationship between citizens and government is more fully developed the actions of local government will not necessarily lead to improvement in the conditions of people's lives. This paper will explore the concept of governance and propose an analytical framework for the study of local governance in an international context. The article concludes with recommendations on strategies to improve governance systems and government performance.

Local diversity of tropical and temperature ant faunas (Hymenoptera, Formicidae)

Qualitative and quantitative collections of ants made in the region of Manaus, Brazil (evergreen tropical humid forest), and in western North Carolina, USA (deciduous temperate/wet forest), were undertaken to investigate. latitudinal patterns of ant diversity and community organization on regional and local scales. We have found to date 307 ant species in the Municipality of Manaus. Totals ranging from 134 to 270+ species have been reported in the literature for other tropical regions of less than 10,000km2. In contrast, temperate ant surveys generally report only SO to 150 species in similar or larger areas. Sampling at sardine baits set 10m apart on square grids, we found forest ecosystems near Manaus to be much richer and more diverse in ants than those sampled in North Carolina: 28 species vs. 5-10 species in 50 collections and 16 vs. 3 previously unrecorded species discovered with each doubling of sample size. Room's (1975a) results from climatically simllar Papua New Guinea forest agree closely with those from Manaus. We suggest that one important factor contributing to the increased diversity of tropical, omnivorous ants may be greater variety of nest sites available for specialization.

Modelo de concepção e avaliação da estratégia de territórios

Este artigo apresenta um modelo de concepção e avaliação de estratégia de territórios, desenvolvido a partir da expansão do modelo ECP (estrutura-conduta-performance) utilizado para empresas. O modelo, denominado ECP territorial, é aplicado ao Centro de Fortaleza, área que, assim como várias outras regiões centrais de cidades de grande porte em todo o mundo, enfrenta um processo acelerado de esvaziamento e demanda uma revitalização sustentável. O artigo analisa a competitividade da região e identifica oportunidades estratégicas de desenvolvimento, baseadas no suporte a setores econômicos nos quais o Centro possui vantagens. Os resultados comprovam a utilização do modelo ECP territorial para o planejamento de estratégias de bairros e sugerem a sua aplicação para territórios em geral.

Financiamento dos serviços de saúde pública

Dados estatísticos nacionais mostram que, no Brasil, os estados de um modo geral, têm, em seus respectivos territórios, arrecadação de impostos mais elevada que a União. A arrecadação mais elevada do Govêrno Central, apresentada nas estatísticas oficiais, é motivada pelo excesso da arrecadação dos impostos federais sobre os estaduais, encontrado geralmente em cinco ou seis Estados, dos quais Guanabara e São Paulo são responsáveis por 91% dessa diferença, em 1964. Não se pode modificar o atual sistema de competência em serviços de saúde pública nos três níveis - central, regional e local - sem que se modifique concomitantemente o atual sistema tributário brasileiro, onde os governos municipais receberam, em 1962, apenas 5,6% da arrecadação geral dos impostos. Dados de 1955 mostram que o custo dos serviços de saúde pública no Brasil, englobando-se os três níveis, foram de Cr$ 123 per capita (US$ 1.82) e de 1962, Cr$ 827 per capita (US$ 2.30). Êsses três níveis de govêrno reservaram, em 1955, 5,6% do dinheiro gasto com suas despesas globais, para as atividades de saúde pública, essa percentagem caiu para 4,5 em 1962. Em relação aos totais invertidos nas atividades estatais de saúde pública, a União gastou, em 1962, 36,4% do total das despesas estatais, os estados 59,3% e os municípios apenas 5,5%. Há uma disparidade grande na distribuição de gastos com saúde pública entre os vários Estados brasileiros, indo de uma percentagem mínima sobre o total geral das despesas públicas, de 1,6% para Goiás (1964), e máxima no mesmo ano, de 17,2% para o Pará. O custo per capita varia muito, também, de Estado para Estado, oscilando, em 1964, de um limite inferior de Cr$ 70 (Maranhão) a um superior de Cr$ 5.217 (Guanabara). Se estudarmos as despesas per capita de cada Estado, com atividades de saúde pública em valôres de 1964 e 1954, expressos êstes em valôres monetários de 1964, verifica-se que a despesa dos 20 Estados caiu de 17,2%. Não se pode saber, sem planejamento adequado, se essas despesas per capita, com serviços estatais de saúde pública, devem ser aumentadas ou não. A comparação internacional é desaconselhada; a falta de um sistema racional de contabilidade pública tornam duvidosos, entre nós, os dados existentes.

O curso de planejamento da Faculdade de Saúde Pública da Universidade de São Paulo: ensaio de avaliação

Após descreverem sucintamente a organização e conteúdo do curso de especialização em planejamento do setor saúde, da Faculdade de Saúde Pública da USP, foram relatados os resultados de uma pesquisa levada a efeito junto a profissionais preparados no referido curso, no período de 1968 a 1972. A despeito de algumas falhas apontadas, os entrevistados, em sua maioria, manifestaram a opinião de que os conhecimentos e técnicas ministrados asseguram capacitação suficiente para o desempenho da função planejadora. As maiores dificuldades por eles sentidas dizem respeito a deficiências da máquina administrativa dos serviços de saúde, à escassez de pessoal e de verbas e à falta de apoio central, regional e local. Algumas medidas são sugeridas, objetivando a eliminação ou atenuação dessas dificuldades.

Financiamento dos serviços de saúde pública

Dados estatísticos nacionais mostram que, no Brasil, os estados de um modo geral, têm, em seus respectivos territórios, arrecadação de impostos mais elevada que a União. A arrecadação mais elevada do Govêrno Central, apresentada nas estatísticas oficiais, é motivada pelo excesso da arrecadação dos impostos federais sobre os estaduais, encontrado geralmente em cinco ou seis Estados, dos quais Guanabara e São Paulo são responsáveis por 91% dessa diferença, em 1964. Não se pode modificar o atual sistema de competência em serviços de saúde pública nos três níveis - central, regional e local - sem que se modifique concomitantemente o atual sistema tributário brasileiro, onde os governos municipais receberam, em 1962, apenas 5,6% da arrecadação geral dos impostos. Dados de 1955 mostram que o custo dos serviços de saúde pública no Brasil, englobando-se os três níveis, foram de Cr$ 123 per capita (US$ 1.82) e de 1962, Cr$ 827 per capita (US$ 2.30). Êsses três níveis de govêrno reservaram, em 1955, 5,6% do dinheiro gasto com suas despesas globais, para as atividades de saúde pública, essa percentagem caiu para 4,5 em 1962. Em relação aos totais invertidos nas atividades estatais de saúde pública, a União gastou, em 1962, 36,4% do total das despesas estatais, os estados 59,3% e os municípios apenas 5,5%. Há uma disparidade grande na distribuição de gastos com saúde pública entre os vários Estados brasileiros, indo de uma percentagem mínima sobre o total geral das despesas públicas, de 1,6% para Goiás (1964), e máxima no mesmo ano, de 17,2% para o Pará. O custo per capita varia muito, também, de Estado para Estado, oscilando, em 1964, de um limite inferior de Cr$ 70 (Maranhão) a um superior de Cr$ 5.217 (Guanabara). Se estudarmos as despesas per capita de cada Estado, com atividades de saúde pública em valôres de 1964 e 1954, expressos êstes em valôres monetários de 1964, verifica-se que a despesa dos 20 Estados caiu de 17,2%. Não se pode saber, sem planejamento adequado, se essas despesas per capita, com serviços estatais de saúde pública, devem ser aumentadas ou não. A comparação internacional é desaconselhada; a falta de um sistema racional de contabilidade pública tornam duvidosos, entre nós, os dados existentes.

Human risk assessment of benzene after a gasoline station fuel leak

OBJECTIVE: To assess the health risk of exposure to benzene for a community affected by a fuel leak. METHODS: Data regarding the fuel leak accident with, which occurred in the Brasilia, Federal District, were obtained from the Fuel Distributor reports provided to the environmental authority. Information about the affected population (22 individuals) was obtained from focal groups of eight individuals. Length of exposure and water benzene concentration were estimated through a groundwater flow model associated with a benzene propagation model. The risk assessment was conducted according to the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry methodology. RESULTS: A high risk perception related to the health consequences of the accident was evident in the affected community (22 individuals), probably due to the lack of assistance and a poor risk communication from government authorities and the polluting agent. The community had been exposed to unsafe levels of benzene (> 5 µg/L) since December 2001, five months before they reported the leak. The mean benzene level in drinking water (72.2 µg/L) was higher than that obtained by the Fuel Distributer using the Risk Based Corrective Action methodology (17.2 µg/L).The estimated benzene intake from the consumption of water and food reached a maximum of 0.0091 µg/kg bw/day (5 x 10-7 cancer risk per 106 individuals). The level of benzene in water vapor while showering reached 7.5 µg/m3 for children (1 per 104 cancer risk). Total cancer risk ranged from 110 to 200 per 106 individuals. CONCLUSIONS: The population affected by the fuel leak was exposed to benzene levels that might have represented a health risk. Local government authorities need to develop better strategies to respond rapidly to these types of accidents to protect the health of the affected population and the environment.

Economic analysis of surgical treatment of hip fracture in older adults

OBJECTIVE To analyze the incremental cost-utility ratio for the surgical treatment of hip fracture in older patients.METHODS This was a retrospective cohort study of a systematic sample of patients who underwent surgery for hip fracture at a central hospital of a macro-region in the state of Minas Gerais, Southeastern Brazil between January 1, 2009 and December 31, 2011. A decision tree creation was analyzed considering the direct medical costs. The study followed the healthcare provider’s perspective and had a one-year time horizon. Effectiveness was measured by the time elapsed between trauma and surgery after dividing the patients into early and late surgery groups. The utility was obtained in a cross-sectional and indirect manner using the EuroQOL 5 Dimensions generic questionnaire transformed into cardinal numbers using the national regulations established by the Center for the Development and Regional Planning of the State of Minas Gerais. The sample included 110 patients, 27 of whom were allocated in the early surgery group and 83 in the late surgery group. The groups were stratified by age, gender, type of fracture, type of surgery, and anesthetic risk.RESULTS The direct medical cost presented a statistically significant increase among patients in the late surgery group (p < 0.005), mainly because of ward costs (p < 0.001). In-hospital mortality was higher in the late surgery group (7.4% versus 16.9%). The decision tree demonstrated the dominance of the early surgery strategy over the late surgery strategy: R$9,854.34 (USD4,387.17) versus R$26,754.56 (USD11,911.03) per quality-adjusted life year. The sensitivity test with extreme values proved the robustness of the results.CONCLUSIONS After controlling for confounding variables, the strategy of early surgery for hip fracture in the older adults was proven to be dominant, because it presented a lower cost and better results than late surgery.