Changes in nuclear phenotype frequencies following sequential cold shocks in Triatoma infestans (Hemiptera, Reduviidae)

The nuclear phenotypes of Malpighian tubule cells in fifth instar nymphs of Triatoma infestans, one of the most important vectors of Chagas disease, were studied following sequential shocks at 0ºC, separated by intervals of 8 h and 24 h at 30ºC, under conditions of moderate fasting and full nourishment. The insects pertained to colonies reared in the laboratory and originated from domestic specimens collected in the Brazilian states of São Paulo (north) and Minas Gerais (south). Since nuclear phenotypes in this species are affected by single cold shocks, it was expected that these phenotypes could also be changed by sequential shocks. Nuclear phenotypes indicative of mechanisms of cell survival (nuclear fusion and heterochromatin decondensation) and cell death (apoptosis and necrosis) were observed concomitantly in all the conditions tested. Nuclear fusion and heterochromatin decondensation were not found relevant for the presumed acquisition of the cold-hardening response in T. infestans. The decreased frequency of apoptosis and necrosis following sequential cold shocks including under fasting conditions, indicated that tolerance to sequential cold shocks occurred in T. infestans of the mentioned origin.

A nuclear ribosomal DNA pseudogene in triatomines opens a new research field of fundamental and applied implications in Chagas disease

A pseudogene, designated as "ps(5.8S+ITS-2)", paralogous to the 5.8S gene and internal transcribed spacer (ITS)-2 of the nuclear ribosomal DNA (rDNA), has been recently found in many triatomine species distributed throughout North America, Central America and northern South America. Among characteristics used as criteria for pseudogene verification, secondary structures and free energy are highlighted, showing a lower fit between minimum free energy, partition function and centroid structures, although in given cases the fit only appeared to be slightly lower. The unique characteristics of "ps(5.8S+ITS-2)" as a processed or retrotransposed pseudogenic unit of the ghost type are reviewed, with emphasis on its potential functionality compared to the functionality of genes and spacers of the normal rDNA operon. Besides the technical problem of the risk for erroneous sequence results, the usefulness of "ps(5.8S+ITS-2)" for specimen classification, phylogenetic analyses and systematic/taxonomic studies should be highlighted, based on consistence and retention index values, which in pseudogenic sequence trees were higher than in functional sequence trees. Additionally, intraindividual, interpopulational and interspecific differences in pseudogene amount and the fact that it is a pseudogene in the nuclear rDNA suggests a potential relationships with fitness, behaviour and adaptability of triatomine vectors and consequently its potential utility in Chagas disease epidemiology and control.

Bleaching of melanin in the epidermis of South American fur seal and its application on enzyme immunohistochemistry

The South American fur seal (Arctocephalus australis) is an amphibious marine mammal distributed along the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of South America. The species is well adjusted to different habitats due to the morphology of its fin-like members and due to some adaptations in their integumentary system. Immunohistochemical studies are very important to evaluate the mechanisms of skin adaptation due the differential expression of the antigens present in the tissue depending of the region of the body surface. However, its strongly pigmented (melanin) epidermis prevents the visualization of the immuno-histochemical chromogens markers. In this study a melanin bleaching method was developed aimed to allow the visualization of the chromogens without interfering in the antigen-antibody affinity for immunohistochemistry. The analysis of PCNA (proliferating cell nuclear antigen) index in the epidermis of A. australis by immunohistochemistry with diaminobenzidine (DAB) as chromogen was used to test the method. The bleaching of the melanin allowed to obtain the cell proliferation index in epidermis and to avoid false positive results without affecting the immunohistochemical results.

Átomos na integração: a aproximação Brasil-Argentina no campo nuclear e a construção do Mercosul

Este trabalho tenciona ser uma reflexão sobre a importância da aproximação entre o Brasil e a Argentina no campo nuclear, na segunda metade da década de 80 e no início dos anos 90, como fundamento para a construção de um relacionamento novo que suplantou uma rivalidade histórica entre ambos. O processo de aproximação encetado com um propósito aparentemente econômico, tinha uma dimensão estratégica. As repercussões desse esforço iam além dos interesses bilaterais imediatos e se refletiram na busca de uma nova inserção internacional dos dois países, num momento de transformações profundas nos planos interno e internacional. Através do programa de integração Brasil-Argentina (que mais tarde também envolveu o Uruguai) e do MERCOSUL buscou-se estabelecer uma arquitetura político-jurídica, que criou uma realidade que extrapola o campo econômico e projeta-se no terreno político.

A integração bilateral Brasil-Argentina: tecnologia nuclear e Mercosul

O presente trabalho focaliza o complexo processo de integração bilateral Brasil-Argentina, iniciado formalmente na década de 80, desdobrado em sua dupla abrangência: a) cooperação pacífica da tecnologia nuclear; b) constituição de um mercado comum. A evolução desse processo conduziu-se através de ciclos fundamentais: primeira etapa, antecedentes de aproximação; segunda etapa, os decisivos instrumentos da ampla integração; terceira etapa, solidificação de duas bases, uma de nível tecnológico nuclear, pactuando um sistema sui generis de salvaguardas e a vigência do Tratado de Tlatelolco (emendado), e, outra, de nível econômico pelo Tratado de Assunção, instituindo o Mercosul.

The influence of nationalism in Mercosur and in South America: can the regional integration project survive?

The article discusses if nationalism is getting in the way of regional integration through a Brazilian prism due to Brazil’s pivotal role in regional integration in Mercosur and South America.

Brazil and the nuclear issues in the years of the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva government (2003-2010)

The present article is an analysis of Brazilian nuclear diplomacy and of the international relevance of the national nuclear program adopted during the two Presidential terms of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Particular attention will be given to the Brazilian position in the agreement on nuclear non-proliferation, to the role of mediation between Iran and the nuclear powers, and finally to the national ambitions concerning the industrial and military uses of the nuclear technologies.

Brazilian foreign policy towards South America during the Lula administration: caught between South America and Mercosur

The aim of this article is to analyze Brazil's foreign policy towards the South American region during President Lula's administration. As such, the article intends to highlight two specific dimensions: the extent to which foreign policy during this period has differed from previous periods and the relative importance granted by Brazilian diplomacy to recent cooperation and integration efforts, more specifically the Unasur and Mercosur. The article argues that the Lula administration has behaved differently from its predecessors by prioritizing the building up of Brazilian leadership in South America on several different fronts, especially by strengthening multilateral institutions in the region

Brazil and the institutionalization of South America: from hemispheric estrangement to cooperative hegemony

This article argues that Brazil went from a posture of estrangement in relation to the hemispheric project represented by the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) to a strategy of cooperative hegemony aimed at institutionalizing the South American space and increasing the costs of the FTAA for the United States. Although Brazil was initially isolated, US lack of leadership combined with events at the subregional level ended up turning the tide in the direction of Brazilian interests. These factors help to understand the current institutional configuration of South America.

Trends in South American weapons purchases at the beginning of the new millennium

In recent years, with some frequency it is heard that Latin America, especially South America, is witnessing the rise of an arms race. Frequent reports in the press and strong statements made by politicians in the region have fueled this fear. At the same time, scholars have also reached to this conclusion, as pointed out by Malamud and Garcia: "The famous arms race in Latin America, led by Venezuela, is no longer just talk."

The coexistence of peace and conflict in South America: toward a new conceptualization of types of peace

South America's predominant democratic regimes and its increasing interdependence on regional trade have not precluded the emergence of militarized crises between Colombia and Venezuela or the revival of boundary claims between Chile and Peru. This way, how can we characterize a zone that, in spite of its flourishing democracy and dense economic ties, remain involved in territorial disputes for whose resolution the use of force has not yet been discarded? This article contends that existing classifications of zones of peace are not adequate to explain this unusual coexistence. Thus, its main purpose is to develop a new analytical category of regional peace for assessing this phenomenon: the hybrid peace. It aims to research the evolution of security systems in South America during the previous century and build a new, threefold classification of peace zones: negative peace zones, hybrid peace zones, and positive peace zones.

Vietnam's strategic hedging vis-à-vis China: the roles of the European Union and Russia

Against the backdrop of China's assertive policies in the South China Sea, the present study evaluates how Vietnam has sought to mitigate the increasingly unequal regional power distribution vis-à-vis China. It argues that Vietnam tends to cope with China mainly by engaging itself in hedging strategies on the basis of diversified and strong relationships with different players. Appraising the roles of Russia and the European Union (EU), the study analyzes the pay-offs of Vietnam's military hedging with Russia and its economic hedging with the EU.

Towards an uncertain future? The strengthening of Japan's autonomy in Asia-Pacific

Recently, Japan has been increasing tensions with China regarding the Pinnacle Senkaku/Diaoyu islands. Due to the Chinese military development, Japan has been working on its political and military strengthening in Asia. This essay presents two possible scenarios for Japan.

Swords into ploughshares? China's Soft Power strategy in Southeast Asia and its challenges1

Since the 1990s, alongside China's economic growth, the international community has fostered a general anxiety towards a "China threat." In order to relieve itself from suspicion, China adopted the dual strategies of "harmonious worldview" and "good neighbor policy." The strategies led to the use of soft power in China's foreign policy. China aimed to reduce security concerns implied by the threat theory by supporting an image that caters to international peace and development. This article seeks to explain how China achieves its interests in Southeast Asia through the use of soft power. The authors address the concepts of "harmonious worldview" and "good neighbor policy" and how the twin strategies and soft power have shaped China's foreign policy in recent years. This article aims to provide insights into China's policy options in Southeast Asia in the near future.

The international implications of the Chinese model of development in the Global South: Asian Consensus as a network power

This paper analyzes People's Republic of China (PRC) economic and political ascendance in the 21st century focusing on the evolution of the sui generis economic development model and its significances of the evolution of relationship between China and the developing countries in the peripheral "Global South." The objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between China and the Global South (Africa and South America) in the 21st century, characterized as a new Center-periphery global network power based on trade and investment that we call as "Asian Consensus."