14 resultados para Koopmans, Tim: Courts and political institutions : a comparative view

em Scielo Saúde Pública - SP


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This article tests the presence of political budget cycle (PBC) in municipal elections in Brazil and checks whether mayors who adopt such policy have greater probability of reelection. Based on fiscal and electoral data of 5,406 Brazilian municipalities and applying the difference-in-differences econometric method as well as logistic regressions, the results provide some evidence of PBC in Brazil, although its magnitude and consistency varies depending on the years used as electoral and non-electoral years. On average, reelectable mayors spend close to 3% more in election years than nonreelectables. Moreover, reelectables who do run for reelection present a variation in spending which is close to 5% superior to that of non-reelectables and non-runners. Additionally, the results suggest that mayors who increase public spending during electoral periods have greater chances of being reelected, as long as such spending is done within deficit limits acceptable by voters.

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OBJECTIVE: To assess pregnancy outcome in women with peripartum cardiomyopathy and to compare it with idiopathic cardiomyopathy. METHODS: Twenty-six pregnant women, aged 28.4±6.1 years, with dilated cardiomyopathy were followed. Eighteen patients had peripartum cardiomyopathy [11 with persistent left ventricular systolic dysfunction (EF=45.2±2) and 7 with recovered ventricular function (EF=62.3±3.6)]. The 8 remaining patients had idiopathic cardiomyopathy (EF= 43.5±4.1). During the prenatal period, limited physical activity and a low-sodium diet were recommended, and hospitalization was recommended when complications occurred. RESULTS: Of the 26 patients, 11 (42.3%) had a normal delivery; 9(35.5%) had cardiac complications, 6 (22.2%) had obstetric complications. Two patients (7.7%) died. Two preterm pregnancies occurred, with 26 health newborns (2 sets of twins). Two miscarriages took place. The cardiac complication rate during pregnancy was lower (p<0.009) in the peripartum cardiomyopathy group without ventricular dysfunction and greater (p=0.01) in the idiopathic group when compared with the peripartum group with ventricular dysfunction. Changes in left ventricular ejection fraction were not observed (p<0.05) in the postpartum period, when compared with that during pregnancy in the 3 groups. CONCLUSION: Pregnancy in patients with dilated cardiomyopathy is associated with maternal morbidity. Left ventricular function is a prognostic factor and must be the most parameter when counseling patients with peripartum cardiomyopathy about a new pregnancy.

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Malnutrition hampers the course of schistosomiasis mansoni infection just as normal growth of adult worms. A comparative morphometric study on adult specimens (male and female) recovered from undernourished (fed with a low protein diet - regional basic diet) and nourished (rodent commercial laboratory food, NUVILAB) white mice was performed. Tomographic images and morphometric analysis of the oral and ventral suckers, reproductive system and tegument were obtained by means of confocal laser scanning microscopy. Undernourished male specimens presented smaller morphometric values (length and width) of the reproductive system (first, third and last testicular lobes) and thickness of the tegument than controls. Besides that, it was demonstrated that the dorsal surface of the male worms bears large tubercles unevenly distributed, but kept grouped and flat. At the subtegumental region, vacuolated areas were detected. It was concluded that the inadequate nutritional status of the vertebrate host has a negative influence mainly in the reproductive system and topographical somatic development of male adult Schistosoma mansoni, inducing some alterations on the structure of the parasite.

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Enteroinvasive Escherichia coli (EIEC) and Shigellaspp cause bacillary dysentery in humans by invading and multiplying within epithelial cells of the colonic mucosa. Although EIEC and Shigellashare many genetic and biochemical similarities, the illness caused by Shigellais more severe. Thus, genomic and structure-function molecular studies on the biological interactions of these invasive enterobacteria with eukaryotic cells have focused on Shigella rather than EIEC. Here we comparatively studied the interactions of EIEC and of Shigella flexneriwith cultured J774 macrophage-like cells. We evaluated several phenotypes: (i) bacterial escape from macrophages after phagocytosis, (ii) macrophage death induced by EIEC and S. flexneri, (iii) macrophage cytokine expression in response to infection and (iv) expression of plasmidial (pINV) virulence genes. The results showed thatS. flexneri caused macrophage killing earlier and more intensely than EIEC. Both pathogens induced significant macrophage production of TNF, IL-1 and IL-10 after 7 h of infection. Transcription levels of the gene invasion plasmid antigen-C were lower in EIEC than in S. flexneri throughout the course of the infection; this could explain the diminished virulence of EIEC compared to S. flexneri.

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Nesta reflexão, problematizamos a atividade de cuidar e de ensinar a cuidar em enfermagem e, para tanto, vamos tomar por base alguns conceitos sobre a dominação e o poder simbólicos de Pierre Bourdieu. Nosso pressuposto foi pensar a saúde como um constituinte fundamental para a produção da nossa existência sobre a Terra. A educação, neste texto, é abordada, tendo por referência as ideias de Pedro Demo, entendidas como uma construtora de sujeitos políticos e bem mais amplas que o manejo do conhecimento formal. A educação é a base primeira sobre a qual se constrói a autonomia humana e, assim, permite a constante ampliação das oportunidades para o exercício da cidadania, qualificando a nossa existência cotidiana. No contexto acadêmico, no qual se cruzam a saúde, a educação e a enfermagem, o trabalho docente competente, crítico e, sobretudo, reflexivo, pode se tornar uma práxis altamente instituinte.

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A close relationship exists between calcium concentration in the central nervous system and nociceptive processing. Aminoglycoside antibiotics and magnesium interact with N- and P/Q-type voltage-operated calcium channels. In the present study we compare the antinociceptive potency of intrathecal administration of aminoglycoside antibiotics and magnesium chloride in the tail-flick test and on incisional pain in rats, taken as models of phasic and persistent post-surgical pain, respectively. The order of potency in the tail-flick test was gentamicin (ED50 = 3.34 µg; confidence limits 2.65 and 4.2) > streptomycin (5.68 µg; 3.76 and 8.57) = neomycin (9.22 µg; 6.98 and 12.17) > magnesium (19.49 µg; 11.46 and 33.13). The order of potency to reduce incisional pain was gentamicin (ED50 = 2.06 µg; confidence limits 1.46 and 2.9) > streptomycin (47.86 µg; 26.3 and 87.1) = neomycin (83.17 µg; 51.6 and 133.9). The dose-response curves for each test did not deviate significantly from parallelism. We conclude that neomycin and streptomycin are more potent against phasic pain than against persistent pain, whereas gentamicin is equipotent against both types of pain. Magnesium was less potent than the antibiotics and effective in the tail-flick test only.

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The credibility of the rules and the elements of power constitute fundamental keys in the analysis of the political institutions. This paper opens the "black box" of the European Union institutions and analyses the problem of credibility in the commitment of the Stability and Growth pact (SGP). This Pact (SGP) constituted a formal rule that tried to enforce budgetary discipline on the European States. Compliance with this contract could be ensured by the existence of "third party enforcement" or by the coincidence of the ex-ante and ex-post interests of the States (reputational capital). The fact is that states such as France or Germany failed to comply with the ruling and managed to avoid the application of sanctions. This article studies the transactions and the hierarchy of power that exists in the European institutions, and analyses the institutional framework included in the new European Constitution.

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Brazil has become the center of the spotlight of the whole world recently, amongst many other reasons, one of them was because it was chosen to host a series of mega sporting events - Pan American Games in 2007, Confederations Football Cup in 2013, Fifa Football World Cup 2014 Games and 2016 Olympic and Paralympic Games in 2016. However, little is known about the country's administrative governmental structure focused on sport policy. The available studies focus their analysis on the sport policies content, but not on the arrangement of its structural decision-making. The main aim of this article is indeed to describe, based on official documentation, the evolution and the current arrangements of the government responsible for the administrative structure for the planning and implementation of sports policies in Brazil. Thus, we tried to list the main problems arising from the organization of the Brazilian sports' management. These problems are: (1) inappropriate institutional structure in terms of human resources and obstacles to participation by other social actors beyond the officials (parliament and members of the Ministry of Sports) in the sports policy; (2) disarticulation between public institutions generating redundancies and conflicts of jurisdiction due to the poor division of labor between bureaucracy agencies; and (3) inadequate planning proved by the lack of organization of some institutions, and by the lack of assessment and continuity of public policies over time. Therefore, we must emphasize those problems from above, and due to these administrative arrangements, Brazilian sports' policy has big challenges in the sport development in this country, which includes the creation of a national "system" for sports and a priority investment in sport education.

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OBJECTIVE To analyze the dynamics of operation of the Bipartite Committees in health care in the Brazilian states.METHODS The research included visits to 24 states, direct observation, document analysis, and performance of semi-structured interviews with state and local leaders. The characterization of each committee was performed between 2007 and 2010, and four dimensions were considered: (i) level of institutionality, classified as advanced, intermediate, or incipient; (ii) agenda of intergovernmental negotiations, classified as diversified/restricted, adapted/not adapted to the reality of each state, and shared/unshared between the state and municipalities; (iii) political processes, considering the character and scope of intergovernmental relations; and (iv) capacity of operation, assessed as high, moderate, or low.RESULTS Ten committees had advanced level of institutionality. The agenda of the negotiations was diversified in all states, and most of them were adapted to the state reality. However, one-third of the committees showed power inequalities between the government levels. Cooperative and interactive intergovernmental relations predominated in 54.0% of the states. The level of institutionality, scope of negotiations, and political processes influenced Bipartite Committees’ ability to formulate policies and coordinate health care at the federal level. Bipartite Committees with a high capacity of operation predominated in the South and Southeast regions, while those with a low capacity of operations predominated in the North and Northeast.CONCLUSIONS The regional differences in operation among Bipartite Interagency Committees suggest the influence of historical-structural variables (socioeconomic development, geographic barriers, characteristics of the health care system) in their capacity of intergovernmental health care management. However, structural problems can be overcome in some states through institutional and political changes. The creation of federal investments, varied by regions and states, is critical in overcoming the structural inequalities that affect political institutions. The operation of Bipartite Committees is a step forward; however, strengthening their ability to coordinate health care is crucial in the regional organization of the health care system in the Brazilian states.

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Brazil attracted relatively little innovation-intensive and export-oriented foreign investment during the liberalization period of 1990 to 2010, especially compared with competitors such as China and India. Adopting an institutionalist perspective, I argue that multinational firm investment profiles can be partly explained by the characteristics of investment promotion policies and bureaucracies charged with their implementation. Brazil's FDI policies were passive and non-discriminating in the second half of the 1990s, but became more selective under Lula. Investment promotion efforts have often been undercut by weakly coordinated and inconsistent institutions. The paper highlights the need for active, discriminating investment promotion policies if benefits from non-traditional FDI are to be realized.

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If emerging markets are to achieve their objective of joining the ranks of industrialized, developed countries, they must use their economic and political influence to support radical change in the international financial system. This working paper recommends John Maynard Keynes's "clearing union" as a blueprint for reform of the international financial architecture that could address emerging market grievances more effectively than current approaches. Keynes's proposal for the postwar international system sought to remedy some of the same problems currently facing emerging market economies. It was based on the idea that financial stability was predicated on a balance between imports and exports over time, with any divergence from balance providing automatic financing of the debit countries by the creditor countries via a global clearinghouse or settlement system for trade and payments on current account. This eliminated national currency payments for imports and exports; countries received credits or debits in a notional unit of account fixed to national currency. Since the unit of account could not be traded, bought, or sold, it would not be an international reserve currency. The credits with the clearinghouse could only be used to offset debits by buying imports, and if not used for this purpose they would eventually be extinguished; hence the burden of adjustment would be shared equally - credit generated by surpluses would have to be used to buy imports from the countries with debit balances. Emerging market economies could improve upon current schemes for regionally governed financial institutions by using this proposal as a template for the creation of regional clearing unions using a notional unit of account.

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ABSTRACTParliaments and audit agencies have critical and complementary roles in the oversight of the budget and the enforcement of government accountability. Yet, the nexus between parliaments and audit agencies is one of the weakest links in the accountability chain, generating an accountability gap in the budget process. This articles analyses the interactions between parliaments and audit agencies in the oversight of government finances during the latter stages of the budget process. Using proxies to evaluate the quality of those linkages, such as the follow-up to audit findings and the discharge of government, it shows important dysfunctions in the interactions between parliaments and audit agencies due to a combination of technical capacity constraints and political economy disincentives. It suggests that the effective functioning of the system of checks and balances in public budgeting critically hinges on the agility of the linkages between accountability institutions. As such, the failure of budget accountability is due to systemic dysfunctions in the systems of accountability, rather than the failure of an individual accountability institution acting in isolation. In addition, the effectiveness of the horizontal accountability architecture depends on the political economy incentives shaping the budget process, which are generated by the interactions between the choice of institutional design and budget rules, with the degree of political competition and electoral rules.