109 resultados para Immigrants - Brazil
em Scielo Saúde Pública - SP
Resumo:
HTLV-I seroprevalences of 3.63% (02/55), 12.19% (10/82) and 13.88% (10/72) were demonstrated among Tiryio, Mekranoiti and Xicrin Amazonian Indians, respectively, by the Western blotting enzyme assay (WBEI). By indirect immuno electron microscopy (IIEM), 2 Tiriyo, 9 Mekranoiti and 6 Xicrin Amerindians were reactive. Of 44 serum samples from Japanese immigrants, none reacted by any of the techniques before mentioned. One, 8 and 6 serum samples from Tiryio, Mekranoiti and Xicrin Indians, respectively, were both WBEI and IIEM positive. Our results strongly suggest that HTLV-I and/or an HTLV-I antigenic variant circulate (s) among populations living in the Amazon region of Brazil.
Resumo:
A malaria survey was conducted in an area of high transmission (Costa Marques, Rondonia, Brazil) to determine the prevalence of asymptomatic parasitemia and its clinical significance. Most of the people surveyed were immigrants who had lived in the endemic area < 5 years. The people had easy access to free diagnostic and treatment services at the Malaria Clinic in the town of Costa Marques. The prevalence of plasmodial parasitemia in 344 people was 22%. There were 36 individuals with asymptomatic infections among the 77 parasitemic patients. During the two days following the initial examination, 19 ofthe 36 individuals: with asymptomatic infections developed malaria. Among the 17 patients who remained asymptomatic for > 2 days, 4 had only gametocytes, 1 had taken inadequate anti-malarial treatment, 3 were under treatment and 2 moved. Six asymptomatic patients denied the use of anti-malarial drugs and they developed malaria 3-6 days after the initial parasitological diagnosis. The final patient remained asymptomatic during the 7 day observation period. He had a history of > 40 malaria attacks and denied the use of antimalarial treatment. With the exception of the latter all of the other asymptomatic patients, were either in the incubation period or had been treated It is concluded that asymptomatic malaria is rare in the Costa Marques area and that it is necessary to treat all individuals with plasmodial parasitemia.
Resumo:
The prevalence of hepatitis B virus (HBV) in Brazil increases from South to North but moderate to elevated prevalence has been detected in the Southwest of Paraná State. The prevalence of serological markers of HBV was evaluated in 3188 pregnant women from different counties in Paraná State and relevant epidemiological features were described. The prevalence of HBV markers in pregnant women for the state as a whole was 18.5% (95% CI = 17.2-19.9), ranging from 7.2% in Curitiba to 38.5% in Francisco Beltrão. The endemicity of HBV marker prevalence in pregnant women was intermediate in Cascavel, Foz do Iguaçu, and Francisco Beltrão, and low in Curitiba, Londrina, Maringá, and Paranaguá. Multiple logistic regression showed that HBV marker prevalence increased with age, was higher among black women, among women of Italian and German descent, and among women who had family members in neighboring Rio Grande do Sul State. Univariate analysis showed that HBV marker prevalence was also higher among women with no education or only primary education, with a lower family income and whose families originated from the South Region of Brazil. Pregnant women not having positive HBV markers (anti-HBc, HBsAg or anti-HBs detected by ELISA) corresponded to 73.7% of the population studied, implying that HBV vaccination needs to be reinforced in Paraná State. The highest prevalence was found in three counties that received the largest number of families from Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul, where most immigrants were of German or Italian ascendance. This finding probably indicates that immigrants that came to this area brought HBV infection to Southwestern Paraná State.
Resumo:
The central goal of this paper is thinking about the Brazilian military power and its linking to the international ambitions of the country in the 21st century. After a comparative analysis to other BRICs and with a historical one about Brazil's strategic irrelevance, we aim to establish what the minimum military capacity Brazil would need in order to meet the country's latest international interests. Similarly, it will be discussed if the National Strategy of Defense, approved in 2008, and the recent strategic agreements signed with France represent one more step toward this minimum military capacity.
Resumo:
There have been two key initiatives taken in the last two decades in Brazil to create a counter-hegemonic project for the country. One initiative resulted from Brazil's business community and high-level State bureaucracy and aimed at forming a regional economic and political bloc that would guarantee and enlarge a relative independence from the hegemonic powers. The other resulted from the emergence of the new unionist movement in São Paulo and from the formation of Partido dos Trabalhadores and aimed at promoting radical democratization and reducing social exclusion. Both initiatives have created policies and changes that have converged to enhance Brazil's counter-hegemonic position as a regional and emerging power.
Resumo:
Critical assessment of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva's diplomacy, which departed from the previous patterns of the Brazilian Foreign Service, to align itself with the political conceptions of the Workers' Party. This diplomacy has neither consolidated the position of Brazil as a regional leader, nor attained its declared goal of inserting Brazil into the United Nations Security Council, although it has reinforced Brazil's image in the international scenarios; but this was achieved much more through the personal activism of the President himself, than through normal diplomatic work.
Resumo:
The present article is an analysis of Brazilian nuclear diplomacy and of the international relevance of the national nuclear program adopted during the two Presidential terms of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Particular attention will be given to the Brazilian position in the agreement on nuclear non-proliferation, to the role of mediation between Iran and the nuclear powers, and finally to the national ambitions concerning the industrial and military uses of the nuclear technologies.
Resumo:
Since Cardoso and during Lula's Administration, the international order has undergone significant changes. These changes have allowed the Brazilian foreign policy to mitigate internal effects of an order established by others and, at the same time, to become an active participant in the formulation of the new order. To democratize globalization became the mainspring of Brazilian foreign policy. In the scope, President Lula has maintained the tradition of formulating and programming foreign policy as a State policy, and also has fostered the logistic strategy of incorporation of Brazil into the international scene.
Resumo:
This article discusses Brazil's multilateral policy under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's administration, highlighting economic, political and environmental themes. The main argument is that Brazil's multilateral relations during this government reached a new significance with the reinforcement of international coalitions and the articulation with the country's new development model. The country has been using multilateral forums as a way to achieve international projection and support for its development project, highlighting bargaining aspects, variable geometry coalitions and the strengthening of South-South cooperation
Resumo:
Due to its recent economic success, Brazil is considered an emerging country, but is it an emerging power concerning global environmental governance? This article argues that although Brazil has a sui generis profile, it can only be considered an emerging power in some environmental regimes, such as global climate change. Thus, international relations theory needs more analytical instruments to assess the impact of emerging powers in global environmental governance
Resumo:
This article examines the priority bilateral relations of Brazil, named "strategic partnerships", both because of their tradition and historical relevance and due to the existence of political and economic cooperation projects. An assessment of these relationships, especially under Lula's administration, is made in this work, bearing in mind the concept of "strategic partnerships" and its development in Brazilian foreign policy. There will be considered partnerships with the US; Argentina; Japan; China; India; South Africa and the European Union. In the article, the meaning of the increase in these relationships is interpreted on the grounds of its significance to the international insertion strategy of Brazil
Resumo:
The aim of this article is to examine Brazil and the United States bilateral relations from 2003/2010 and their strategic patterns during the Presidency of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva. The goal is to understand the development of this dialogue in the 21st century and its previous background in the Post Cold War world, identifying its evolution and change due to Brazil's growing regional and global role and US relative position
Resumo:
In the post-Cold War world, Africa has been an important focus of Brazilian foreign policy. Having a significant historical weight in building our nation, African countries are also part of the moves adopted by Brazil's foreign policy. The main purpose of the present text is to show this relevant regional dimension regarding Brazil's international insertion during the Lula era. The work is divided in two parts: the first part approaches Africa's international insertion throughout recent years and the second analyses the dimension occupied by African affairs in Brazil during the Lula era. The main argument is that the new role played by Africa in the international scene coincides with a global Brazil
Resumo:
The Lula era has witnessed a changing bilateral strategic partnership between China and Brazil, having the interlocutions between both countries became more substantial, comprehensive and influential. To enlarge the global impacts of the partnership, both countries should inject more regional and global components into their bilateral agenda. In doing so, both sides need to enhance the ties not only in terms of economic cooperation but also of social interaction