45 resultados para Historical sense
em Scielo Saúde Pública - SP
Resumo:
In the past thirty years, a series of plans have been developed by successive Brazilian governments in a continuing effort to maximize the nation's resources for economic and social growth. This planning history has been quantitatively rich but qualitatively poor. The disjunction has stimulated Professor Mello e Souza to address himself to the problem of national planning and to offer some criticisms of Brazilian planning experience. Though political instability has obviously been a factor promoting discontinuity, his criticisms are aimed at the attitudes and strategic concepts which have sought to link planning to national goals and administration. He criticizes the fascination with techniques and plans to the exclusion of proper diagnosis of the socio-political reality, developing instruments to coordinate and carry out objectives, and creating an administrative structure centralized enough to make national decisions and decentralized enough to perform on the basis of those decisions. Thus, fixed, quantified objectives abound while the problem of functioning mechanisms for the coordinated, rational use of resources has been left unattended. Although his interest and criticism are focused on the process and experience of national planning, he recognized variation in the level and results of Brazilian planning. National plans have failed due to faulty conception of the function of planning. Sectorial plans, save in the sector of the petroleum industry under government responsibility, ha e not succeeded in overcoming the problems of formulation and execution thereby repeating old technical errors. Planning for the private sector has a somewhat brighter history due to the use of Grupos Executivos which has enabled the planning process to transcend the formalism and tradition-bound attitudes of the regular bureaucracy. Regional planning offers two relatively successful experiences, Sudene and the strategy of the regionally oriented autarchy. Thus, planning history in Brazil is not entirely black but a certain shade of grey. The major part of the article, however, is devoted to a descriptive analysis of the national planning experience. The plans included in this analysis are: The Works and Equipment Plan (POE); The Health, Food, Transportation and Energy Plan (Salte); The Program of Goals; The Trienal Plan of Economic and Social Development; and the Plan of Governmental Economic Action (Paeg). Using these five plans for his historical experience the author sets out a series of errors of formulation and execution by which he analyzes that experience. With respect to formulation, he speaks of a lack of elaboration of programs and projects, of coordination among diverse goals, and of provision of qualified staff and techniques. He mentions the absence of the definition of resources necessary to the financing of the plan and the inadequate quantification of sectorial and national goals due to the lack of reliable statistical information. Finally, he notes the failure to coordinate the annual budget with the multi-year plans. He sees the problems of execution as beginning in the absence of coordination between the various sectors of the public administration, the failure to develop an operative system of decentralization, the absence of any system of financial and fiscal control over execution, the difficulties imposed by the system of public accounting, and the absence of an adequate program of allocation for the liberation of resources. He ends by pointing to the failure to develop and use an integrated system of political economic tools in a mode compatible with the objective of the plans. The body of the article analyzes national planning experience in Brazil using these lists of errors as rough model of criticism. Several conclusions emerge from this analysis with regard to planning in Brazil and in developing countries, in general. Plans have generally been of little avail in Brazil because of the lack of a continuous, bureaucratized (in the Weberian sense) planning organization set in an instrumentally suitable administrative structure and based on thorough diagnoses of socio-economic conditions and problems. Plans have become the justification for planning. Planning has come to be conceived as a rational method of orienting the process of decisions through the establishment of a precise and quantified relation between means and ends. But this conception has led to a planning history rimmed with frustration, and failure, because of its rigidity in the face of flexible and changing reality. Rather, he suggests a conception of planning which understands it "as a rational process of formulating decisions about the policy, economy, and society whose only demand is that of managing the instrumentarium in a harmonious and integrated form in order to reach explicit, but not quantified ends". He calls this "planning without plans": the establishment of broad-scale tendencies through diagnosis whose implementation is carried out through an adjustable, coherent instrumentarium of political-economic tools. Administration according to a plan of multiple, integrated goals is a sound procedure if the nation's administrative machinery contains the technical development needed to control the multiple variables linked to any situation of socio-economic change. Brazil does not possess this level of refinement and any strategy of planning relevant to its problems must recognize this. The reforms which have been attempted fail to make this recognition as is true of the conception of planning informing the Brazilian experience. Therefore, unworkable plans, ill-diagnosed with little or no supportive instrumentarium or flexibility have been Brazil's legacy. This legacy seems likely to continue until the conception of planning comes to live in the reality of Brazil.
Resumo:
This article was written by a Swiss-German historical demographer after having visited different Brazilian Universities in 1984 as a guest-professor. It aims at promoting a real dialog between developed and developing countries, commencing the discussion with the question: Can we learn from each other? An affirmative answer is given, but not in the superficial manner in which the discussion partners simply want to give each other some "good advice" or in which the one declares his country's own development to be the solely valid standard. Three points are emphasized: 1. Using infant mortality in S. Paulo from 1908 to 1983 as an example, it is shown that Brazil has at its disposal excellent, highly varied research literature that is unjustifiably unknown to us (in Europe) for the most part. Brazil by no means needs our tutoring lessons as regards the causal relationships; rather, we could learn two things from Brazil about this. For one, it becomes clear that our almost exclusively medical-biological view is inappropriate for passing a judgment on the present-day problems in Brazil and that any conclusions so derived are thus only transferable to a limited extent. For another, we need to reinterpret the history of infant mortality in our own countries up to the past few decades in a much more encompassing "Brazilian" sense. 2. A fruitful dialog can only take place if both partners frankly present their problems. For this reason, the article refers with much emprasis to our present problems in dealing with death and dying - problems arising near the end of the demographic and epidemiologic transitions: the superanuation of the population, chronic-incurable illnesses as the main causes of death, the manifold dependencies of more and more elderly and really old people at the end of a long life. Brazil seems to be catching up to us in this and will be confronted with these problems sooner or later. A far-sighted discussion already at this time seems thus to be useful. 3. The article, however, does not want to conclude with the rather depressing state of affairs of problems alternatingly superseding each other. Despite the caution which definitely has a place when prognoses are being made on the basis of extrapolations from historical findings, the foreseeable development especially of the epidemiologic transition in the direction of a rectangular survival curve does nevertheless provide good reason for being rather optimistic towards the future: first in regards to the development in our own countries, but then - assuming that the present similar tendencies of development are stuck to - also in regard to Brazil.
Resumo:
Those over sixty years of age accounted for 6.6% of the total population of Brazil in 1985, in the Federal Republic of Germany this proportion was 20.3% in 1984. As early as 1950 it had been 14.5%. This proportion will not even be reached in Brazil in the year 2000 when persons aged sixty years and older are only projected to make up 8.8% of the total population. Similarly, in 1982/84 life expectancy at birth in the Federal Republic was 70.8 years for men and 77.5 for women; in Brazil the figures for 1980/85 were, by contrast, "only" 61.0 and 66.0. Against this background it is easy to understand why the discussion concerning an ageing society with its many related medical, economic, individual and social problems has been so slow in coming into its own in Brazil. As important as a more intensive consideration of these aspects may be in Brazil at present, they are, nevertheless, only one side of the story. For a European historical demographer with a long-term perspective of three of four hundred years, the other side of the story is just as important. The life expectancy which is almost ten years lower in Brazil is not a result of the fact that no one in Brazil lives to old age. In 1981 people sixty-five years and older accounted for 34.4% of all deaths! At the same time infants accounted for only 22.1% of total mortality. They are responsible, along with the "premature" deaths among youths and adults, for the low, "average" life expectancy figure. In Europe, by contrast, these "premature" deaths no longer play much of a role. In 1982/84 more than half of the women (52.8%) in the Federal Republic of Germany lived to see their eightieth birthdays and almost half of the men (47.3%) lived to see their seventy-fifth. Our biological existence is guaranteed to an extent today that would have been unthinkable a few generations ago. Then, the classic troika of "plague, hunger and war" threatened our forefathers all the time and everywhere. The radical transition from the formerly uncertain to a present-day certain lifetime, which is the result of the repression of "plague, hunger and war", led to unexpected consequences for our living together. Our forefathers were forced to live in closely knit Gemeinschaften in the interest of physical survival and to subordinate their egoistic goals to a common value, but now these pressures have, for the most part, fallen away. Correspondingly, this much more certain EGO has taken center stage. An ever greater number of us chooses to live life as single beings: the number of marriages is lower every year; the number of divorces is on the increase; in Berlin (West) more than half (sic! 52.3%) of all households are already composed on only one person. For the last dozen years the annual number of births in the Federal Republic has been insufficient to ensure population replacement. Not a population explosion but rather the opposite, a population implosion, is our problem. Human beings do not appear to be "social animals", as was axiomatically assumed for so long. They were only forced to behave as such for as long as "plague, hunger and war" forced them to do so. When these life endangering conditions no longer exist and life becomes certain even without their being integrated into a Gemeinschaft then humans suddenly show themselves more and more to be independent single beings. It is not the percentage of the population that is over sixty or sixty-five that is decisive in this context but rather how certain adults perceive their biological lives to be, since they are the ones who organize their lives, who build communities or who are ever more often willing only to enter into means-to-an-end personal unions without lasting or close ties and mutual responsibilities. There are many signs which seem to point to a development in this direction in Brazil as well. More and more adults in Brazil are caught up in the deep-seated transition from an uncertain to a certain lifetime. A third of them die after having reached their sixty-fifth birthday. It therefore seems to me to be high time that one began to give more consideration to the other side of the story in Brazil as well. And who is more suited intensively to consider the long-term perspectives than those engaged in the public health sector in whose competence, after all, such aspects, as "life certainty", "life expectancy" and "age at death" belong?
Resumo:
The aim of the study is an historical analysis of the work undertaken by the Public Health organizations dedicated to the combat of the Aedes aegypti, as well as an epidemiolocal study of persons with unexplained fever, with a view to evaluating the ocurrence of dengue within the population. The Mac-Elisa, Gac-Elisa, hemaglutination inhibition, isolation and typage tests were used. Organophosphate intoxication in agricultural workers was also assessed by measuring concentrations of serie cholinesterase. A sera samples of 2,094 were collected in 23 towns, and the type 1 dengue virus was detected in 17 towns and autochthony was confirmed in 12 of them. The cholinesterase was measured in 2,391 sera samples of which 53 cases had abnormal levels. Poisoning was confirmed in 3 cases. Results reveal an epidemic the gravity of which was not officially know. The relationshipe between levels of IgM and IgG antibodies indicates the outbreak tendency. The widespread distribution of the vector is troubling because of the possibility of the urbanization of wild yellow fever, whereas the absence of A. aegypti in 2 towns with autochthony suggests the existence of another vector. Since there is no vaccine against dengue, the combat of the vector is the most efficient measure for preventing outbreaks. The eradication of the vector depends on government decisions which depend, for their execution, on the organization of the Health System and the propagation of information concerning the prevention of the disease using all possible means because short and long term results depend on the education and the active participation of the entire population.
Resumo:
We all hope that biotechnology will answer some social and economical unavoidable requirements of the modern life. It is necessary to improve agriculture production, food abundance and health quality in a sustainable development. It is indeed a hard task to keep the progress on taking into account the rational use of genetic resources and the conservation of biodiversity. In this context, a historical perspective and prospects of the biomedical research on parasitic diseases is described in a view of three generations of investigators. This work begins with a picture of the scientific progress on biomedical research and human health over the last centuries. This black-and-white picture is painted by dissecting current advancements of molecular biology and modern genetics, which are outlined at the meaning of prospecting achievements in health science for this new millenium.
Resumo:
A total of 868 (84.89%) patients diagnosed with tetanus were studied, out of the 1,024 tetanus patients hospitalized at Couto Maia Hospital (Salvador, Bahia, Brazil), during the period between 1986 and 1997. Of this group (n = 868), 63.5% (n = 551) were discharged, 35.4% (n = 307) died, and 1.1% (n = 10) were transferred. The average age of the deceased patients (38.73 ± 23.31 years) was significantly greater (p < 0.0001) than the age of those who survived (29.21 ± 20.05 years). Analyzing the variables of the logistic regression model with statistic significance (p £ 0.25) for univariate analysis, we observed a greater association of risk for worst prognosis (death) in patients aged ³ 51 years; time of illness < 48 hours; time of incubation < 168 hours; neck rigidity; spasms; opisthotonos; body temperature ³ 37.7 ºC; heart beat ³ 111 beats/minute; sympathetic hyperactivity and association with pneumonia. Among the group of those who survived, patients with 1 to 5 of those variables (n = 398; 76.8%) were more frequent, while among patients of the group of the deceased, 70.3% (n = 206) presented 6 to 10 of those variables, with a highly significant difference (p < 10-8). In conclusion, the indicators described provide early information that may guide the prognosis and medical and nurse care.
Resumo:
Loiasis is a filarial disease transmitted by the Chrysops spp. tabanid flies in West and Central Africa. It is most commonly diagnosed by the clinical manifestations of Calabar swellings (transient localized inflammatory edema) or, most dramatically, by the appearance of a migrating worm through the conjunctival tissues or the bridge of the nose. We report the case of a 35-year-old resident in the city of Rio de Janeiro who displayed a moving Loa loa in the bulbar conjunctival tissue two years after returning from a six-month trip to Uganda. Surgical removal of the worm was performed.
Resumo:
Introduction: Visceral leishmaniasis is an endemic protozoan found in Brazil. It is characterized by fever, pallor, hepatosplenomegaly, lymphadenopathy, and progressive weakness in the patient. It may lead to death if untreated. The drug of choice for treatment is meglumine antimoniate (Glucantime®). The aim of this study was to evaluate patients with visceral leishmaniasis according to criteria used for diagnosis, possible reactions to Glucantime® and blood pressure measured before and after treatment. Methods: 89 patients admitted to the Teaching Hospital Dr. Hélvio Auto (HEHA) in Maceió-AL, in the period from May 2006 to December 2009 were evaluated. Data were collected on age, sex, origin, method of diagnosis, adverse effects of drugs, duration of hospitalization, duration of treatment and dosage up to the onset of adverse effects. Results: There was a predominance of child male patients, aged between one and five years old, from the interior of the State of Alagoas. Parasitological diagnosis was made by bone marrow aspirate; three (3.37%) patients died, 12 (13.48%) had adverse reactions and treatment was changed to amphotericin B, and 74 (83.14%) were cured. Changes that led to replacing Glucantime® were persistent fever, jaundice, rash, bleeding and cyanosis. Conclusion: During the study, 89 patients hospitalized for VL were analyzed: 74 were healed, 12 were replaced by amphotericin B treatment and three died. Most of them were under five years old, male and came from the interior. The dosage and duration of treatment with Glucantime® were consistent with that advocated by the Ministry of Health. Persistence of fever, jaundice, rash, cyanosis and bleeding were the reactions that led the physician to modify treatment. No change was observed in blood pressure before and after treatment. This study demonstrated the work of a hospital, a reference in the treatment of leishmaniasis, which has many patients demanding its services in this area. It demonstrates that this disease is still important today, and needs to be addressed properly to prevent injury and death due to the disease.
Resumo:
IntroductionYellow fever is a non-contagious infectious disease, highly lethal, transmitted by the Aedes, Haemagogus and Sabethes.MethodsDescriptive retrospective study of the yellow fever cases in Amazonas, between 1996 and 2009.ResultsForty two cases of yellow fever were confirmed, with 30 deaths, 10% of which were foreigners.ConclusionsThe presence of Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus in both rural Amazonas and its capital demonstrates the dispersion of these vectors and underscores the need for better and continuous epidemiological and entomological control.
Resumo:
Leprosy is an ancient infectious disease caused by Mycobacterium leprae. According to comparative genomics studies, this disease originated in Eastern Africa or the Near East and spread with successive human migrations. The Europeans and North Africans introduced leprosy into West Africa and the Americas within the past 500 years. In Brazil, this disease arrived with the colonizers who disembarked at the first colonies, Rio de Janeiro, Salvador and Recife, at the end of the sixteenth century, after which it was spread to the other states. In 1854, the first leprosy cases were identified in State of Amazonas in the north of Brazil. The increasing number of leprosy cases and the need for treatment and disease control led to the creation of places to isolate patients, known as leprosaria. One of them, Colonia Antônio Aleixo was built in Amazonas in 1956 according to the most advanced recommendations for isolation at that time and was deactivated in 1979. The history of the Alfredo da Matta Center (AMC), which was the first leprosy dispensary created in 1955, parallels the history of leprosy in the state. Over the years, the AMC has become one of the best training centers for leprosy, general dermatology and sexually transmitted diseases in Brazil. In addition to being responsible for leprosy control programs in the state, the AMC has carried out training programs on leprosy diagnosis and treatment for health professionals in Manaus and other municipalities of the state, aiming to increase the coverage of leprosy control activities. This paper provides a historical overview of leprosy in State of Amazonas, which is an endemic state in Brazil.