13 resultados para Global political power

em Scielo Saúde Pública - SP


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Nineteen-channel EEGs were recorded from the scalp surface of 30 healthy subjects (16 males and 14 females, mean age: 34 years, SD: 11.7 years) at rest and under trains of intermittent photic stimulation (IPS) at rates of 5, 10 and 20 Hz. Digitalized data were submitted to spectral analysis with fast fourier transformation providing the basis for the computation of global field power (GFP). For quantification, GFP values in the frequency ranges of 5, 10 and 20 Hz at rest were divided by the corresponding data obtained under IPS. All subjects showed a photic driving effect at each rate of stimulation. GFP data were normally distributed, whereas ratios from photic driving effect data showed no uniform behavior due to high interindividual variability. Suppression of alpha-power after IPS with 10 Hz was observed in about 70% of the volunteers. In contrast, ratios of alpha-power were unequivocal in all subjects: IPS at 20 Hz always led to a suppression of alpha-power. Dividing alpha-GFP with 20-Hz IPS by alpha-GFP at rest (R = alpha-GFP IPS/alpha-GFPrest) thus resulted in ratios lower than 1. We conclude that ratios from GFP data with 20-Hz IPS may provide a suitable paradigm for further investigations.

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This paper analyzes People's Republic of China (PRC) economic and political ascendance in the 21st century focusing on the evolution of the sui generis economic development model and its significances of the evolution of relationship between China and the developing countries in the peripheral "Global South." The objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between China and the Global South (Africa and South America) in the 21st century, characterized as a new Center-periphery global network power based on trade and investment that we call as "Asian Consensus."

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In this paper, I review recent developments in global political economy and political economy of development that have captured inter alia the attention of agrarian political economists. I do so through the periscope of two recent publications by Fred pearce, Great Britain's leading eco journalist and an edited volume by Tony Allann, Martin Keulertz, Suvi Sojamo and Jeroen Warner, scholars trained in different disciplines and based at various universities in the UK, the netherlands, and Finland. The account of the pace, places, and perpetrators, procedures, and problems of this particular agrarian model provides fodder for the further development of a locus classicus on what is happening to the land question in this current moment under the capitalist order, a shorthand for which is 'water and land grab'.

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Due to its recent economic success, Brazil is considered an emerging country, but is it an emerging power concerning global environmental governance? This article argues that although Brazil has a sui generis profile, it can only be considered an emerging power in some environmental regimes, such as global climate change. Thus, international relations theory needs more analytical instruments to assess the impact of emerging powers in global environmental governance

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The European Union's (EU) decision to include aviation into the Emissions Trade Scheme was heatedly contested. Countries around the world, but mainly the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa group (BRICS) and the US, denounced the EU's initiate as illegal and unilateral. Following a decade of frustrated negotiations at the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), this paper interrogates why such measure, in principle climate-friendly, inspired so much global resentment. I argue that concerns with competitiveness and risks of legal inconsistency are important, but insufficient elements to explain the core of the conflict. The paper suggests that the EU was strongly criticized because third countries perceived this action as an imposed solution, which fostered an environment of distrust. Therefore, I claim that the problem has more to do with a normative divide than with a substantive divergence on what should be done regarding aviation emissions. My analysis is informed by the present literature on the links between trade and climate change, but gives particular weight to first-hand information through interviews with key stakeholders. The paper is divided in three parts. First, it presents the scope of the EU directive in historical perspective. Second, it explores the EU's measure through three different angles: legal, economical and political. The final part explores some possible solutions to overcome these divergences.

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Brazil's rapprochement with Africa during the last decade has been mostly explained as an attempt to improve political dialogue, raise economic interactions, and provide technical cooperation assistance. This article, however, argues that such framework does not sufficiently account for the use of Brazilian material resources in order to attain harder strategic goals towards the continent. By focusing on defense cooperation ties, it highlights an important niche in South-South relations that has also grown exponentially, with important consequences on how Brazil exerts power across the Atlantic.

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As China turns increasingly to the cultivation of soft power in the course of developing its foreign policy, the use of political rhetoric and its explicit and implicit audiences become more and more important, both on a bilateral level and within the international arena at large. Using the case of China's relations with African countries, this article examines key themes within China's diplomatic narrative regarding its role on the African continent and contrasts with Western and African responses.

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Abstract The European Union (EU) is one of the world´s leading donors in official development assistance (ODA) to give a strong weight in the relationship with recipient partner countries, in particular with those that are more dependent on it. Besides the material weight of its funding, the EU has retained historical ties and influence in diplomatic, political and economic terms in many of its ODA recipient partner countries (particular in Sub-Saharan Africa). Since the 2000s, the EU development policy has not only undergone major structural changes in its institutional framework but also has started to face a new international aid scenario. This paper explores why a normative-based EU development policy is being challenged by reformed EU institutions and a new global order, and how the EU is attempting to respond to this context in face of the deepest recession since the end of the Second World War.

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OBJECTIVE: To assess the effect of the oscillatory breathing on the variability of RR intervals (VRR) and on prognostic significance after one year follow-up in subjects with left ventricular global systolic dysfunction. METHODS: We studied 76 subjects, whose age ranged from 40 to 80 years, paired for age and gender, divided into two groups: group I - 34 healthy subjects; group II - 42 subjects with left ventricular global systolic dysfunction (ejection fraction < 0.40). The ECG signals were acquired during 600s in supine position, and analyzed the variation of the thoracic amplitude and the VRR. Clinical and V-RR variables were applied into a logistic multivariate model to foretell survival after one year follow-up. RESULTS: Oscillatory breathing was detected in 35.7% of subjects in vigil state of group II, with a concentration of the spectral power in the very low frequency band, and was independent of the presence of diabetes, functional class, ejection fraction, cause of ventricular dysfunction and survival after one year follow-up. In the logistic regression model, ejection fraction was the only independent variable to predict survival. CONCLUSION: 1) Oscillatory breathing pattern is frequent during wakefulness in the left ventricular global systolic dysfunction and concentrates spectral power in the very low band of V-RR; 2) it does not relate to severity and cause of left ventricular dysfunction; 3) ejection fraction is the only independent predictive variable for survival in this group of subjects.

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The credibility of the rules and the elements of power constitute fundamental keys in the analysis of the political institutions. This paper opens the "black box" of the European Union institutions and analyses the problem of credibility in the commitment of the Stability and Growth pact (SGP). This Pact (SGP) constituted a formal rule that tried to enforce budgetary discipline on the European States. Compliance with this contract could be ensured by the existence of "third party enforcement" or by the coincidence of the ex-ante and ex-post interests of the States (reputational capital). The fact is that states such as France or Germany failed to comply with the ruling and managed to avoid the application of sanctions. This article studies the transactions and the hierarchy of power that exists in the European institutions, and analyses the institutional framework included in the new European Constitution.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyse the political economy of preferential trade agreements based on a sequential non-cooperative Stackelberg political game between a large economy and a small one, in which the political dispute of rival lobby groups defines the unilateral stance of both governments in the first stage; and the Stackelberg "coalition-proof" equilibrium defines the free trade agreement format in the second stage. Finally, a few modifications in the initial game structure are discussed in order to enhance the small economy's negotiation power. The political economy model is applied to FTAA case.

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In order to halt the depletion of global ecological capital, a number of different kinds of meetings between Governments of countries in the world has been scheduled. The need for global coordination of environmental policies has become ever more obvious, supported by more and more evidence of the running down of ecological capital. But there are no formal or binding arrangements in sight, as global environmental coordination suffers from high transaction costs (qualitative voting). The CO2 equivalent emissions, resulting in global warming, are driven by the unstoppable economic expansion in the global market economy, employing mainly fossil fuel generated energy, although at the same time lifting sharply the GDP per capita of several emerging countries. Only global environmental coordination on the successful model of the World Band and the IMF (quantitative voting) can stem the rising emissions numbers and stop further environmental degradation. However, the system of weighted voting in the WB and the IMF must be reformed by reducing the excessive voting power disparities, for instance by reducing all member country votes by the cube root expression.

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This paper has as its purpose to analyze the insertion of Brazil in the international economic order, considering the fundaments of the world power, the global crisis, the geopolitical changes and their consequences on the global order. The text attempts to present the advantages and structural challenges for an adequate international insertion of technology are the key elements in a process of economic and social innovation whose goals are to build a richer society, more just and compassionate, and environmentally sustainable.