51 resultados para mapping the current state


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A major problem in renal transplantation is identifying a grading system that can predict long-term graft survival. The present study determined the extent to which the two existing grading systems (Banff 97 and chronic allograft damage index, CADI) correlate with each other and with graft loss. A total of 161 transplant patient biopsies with chronic allograft nephropathy (CAN) were studied. The samples were coded and evaluated blindly by two pathologists using the two grading systems. Logistic regression analyses were used to evaluate the best predictor index for renal allograft loss. Patients with higher Banff 97 and CADI scores had higher rates of graft loss. Moreover, these measures also correlated with worse renal function and higher proteinuria levels at the time of CAN diagnosis. Logistic regression analyses showed that the use of angiotensin-converting enzyme inhibitor (ACEI), hepatitis C virus (HCV), tubular atrophy, and the use of mycophenolate mofetil (MMF) were associated with graft loss in the CADI, while the use of ACEI, HCV, moderate interstitial fibrosis and tubular atrophy and the use of MMF were associated in the Banff 97 index. Although Banff 97 and CADI analyze different parameters in different renal compartments, only some isolated parameters correlated with graft loss. This suggests that we need to review the CAN grading systems in order to devise a system that includes all parameters able to predict long-term graft survival, including chronic glomerulopathy, glomerular sclerosis, vascular changes, and severity of chronic interstitial fibrosis and tubular atrophy.

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To determine the effects of saturated and unsaturated fatty acids in phosphatidylcholine (PC) on macrophage activity, peritoneal lavage cells were cultured in the presence of phosphatidylcholine rich in saturated or unsaturated fatty acids (sat PC and unsat PC, respectively), both used at concentrations of 32 and 64 µM. The treatment of peritoneal macrophages with 64 µM unsat PC increased the production of hydrogen peroxide by 48.3% compared to control (148.3 ± 16.3 vs 100.0 ± 1.8%, N = 15), and both doses of unsat PC increased adhesion capacity by nearly 50%. Moreover, 64 µM unsat PC decreased neutral red uptake by lysosomes by 32.5% compared to the untreated group (67.5 ± 6.8 vs 100.0 ± 5.5%, N = 15), while both 32 and 64 µM unsat PC decreased the production of lipopolysaccharide-elicited nitric oxide by 30.4% (13.5 ± 2.6 vs 19.4 ± 2.5 µM) and 46.4% (10.4 ± 3.1 vs 19.4 ± 2.5 µM), respectively. Unsat PC did not affect anion production in non-stimulated cells or phagocytosis of unopsonized zymosan particles. A different result pattern was obtained for macrophages treated with sat PC. Phorbol 12-miristate 13-acetate-elicited superoxide production and neutral red uptake were decreased by nearly 25% by 32 and 64 µM sat PC, respectively. Sat PC did not affect nitric oxide or hydrogen peroxide production, adhesion capacity or zymosan phagocytosis. Thus, PC modifies macrophage activity, but this effect depends on cell activation state, fatty acid saturation and esterification to PC molecule and PC concentration. Taken together, these results indicate that the fatty acid moiety of PC modulates macrophage activity and, consequently, is likely to affect immune system regulation in vivo.

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The aim of this study is to analyze the current state of the Mexican economy in the face of the international crisis. Two questions are asked: Is the international crisis over? Is the Mexican economy strong and resilient enough to face the crisis in the eurozone? The first of these questions is answered in the first part. The answer to the second question is discussed in the second part of this study. Also examined are the large number of short, medium and long term problems that the Mexican economy will have to face in 2012 and perhaps 2013.

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The record of successful developmental states in East Asia and the partial successes of developmental states in Latin America suggest several common preconditions for effective state intervention including a Weberian bureaucracy, monitoring of implementation, reciprocity (subsidies in exchange for performance), and collaborative relations between government and business. Although Brazil failed to develop the high technology manufacturing industry and exports that have fueled sustained growth in East Asia, its developmental state had a number of important, and often neglected, successes, especially in steel, automobiles, mining, ethanol, and aircraft manufacturing. Where Brazil's developmental state was less successful was in promoting sectors like information technology and nuclear energy, as well as overall social and regional equality. In addition, some isolated initiatives by state governments were also effective in promoting particular local segments of industry and agriculture. Comparisons with East Asia, highlight the central role of state enterprises in Brazil that in effect internalized monitoring and reciprocity and bypassed collaboration between business and government (that was overall rarer in Brazil).

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In August 2010 Brazil decided to limit foreign direct investments (FDIs) in land, and attracted the attention of politicians as much as the fears of businessmen. However, few months before, in September 2009, it had concluded a trilateral agreement with Japan and Mozambique to implement agribusiness and contract farming on an area of ten million hectares in the Mozambican region of Nacala. In light of that, the paper analyses the apparent duality of the Brazilian politics, and concludes that, exactly like in the case of the novel by Robert Louis Stevenson, it is not a matter of pathology, but a voluntarily induced double personality which is strategic in positioning Brazil at the core of the global capitalist system.

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This paper aims at shedding light on an obscure point in Kant's theory of the state. It discusses whether Kant's rational theory of the state recognises the fact that certain exceptional social situations, such as the extreme poverty of some parts of the population, could request institutional state support in order to guarantee the attainment of a minimum threshold of civil independence. It has three aims: 1) to show that Kant's Doctrine of Right can offer solutions for the complex relation between economics and politics in our present time; 2) to demonstrate the claim that Kant embraces a pragmatic standpoint when he tackles the social concerns of the state, and so to refute the idea that he argues for an abstract conception of politics; and 3) to suggest that a non-paternalistic theory of rights is not necessarily incompatible with the basic tenets of a welfare state.