O provedor de justiça europeu e a democratização das instituições comunitárias

O artigo visa a analisar as questões da cidadania europeia e do deficit democrático das instituições supranacionais. Nesse sentido, aborda a instituição do Provedor de Justiça Europeu. Trata-se de um indivíduo nomeado pelo Parlamento Europeu com a função de, quer por iniciativa própria quer baseado em queixas que lhe tenham sido apresentadas por cidadãos e residentes europeus, investigar e proceder a inquéritos sobre irregularidades na atuação dos órgãos comunitários, bem como emitir recomendações com o fim de corrigir os casos de má administração e violação aos direitos humanos por ele detectados. O objeto de atuação do Provedor de Justiça Europeu é o exercício da atividade política e a prestação dos serviços públicos, em âmbito comunitário. Trata-se um canal de acesso da cidadania aos órgãos de poder político, controlando a má atuação das instituições ou organismos comunitários e a violação de direitos, com amplos poderes de supervisão no intuito maior que é a persecução do direito fundamental a uma boa administração.

O Barão do Rio Branco no Itamaraty (1902-1912)

Os cem anos do fim da gestão do Barão do Rio Branco no Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil coincidem com um momento politicamente propício para se revisitar o legado do patrono da diplomacia brasileira, em especial o referente aos Estados Unidos e ao Prata, os dois principais eixos das relações externas do País. Examinam-se o teor das relações com a potência hegemônica do hemisfério e o caráter oscilante daquelas com a Argentina. A partir de fontes primárias e bibliográficas, o autor procura demonstrar que Rio Branco, além do fechamento dos limites do território nacional, firmou tendências e procedimentos que se incorporaram à tradição da diplomacia brasileira, analisando, para isso, a função do alinhamento Rio de Janeiro-Washington no conjunto da política externa do chanceler e o padrão das relações com o governo argentino, fatores que influenciaram seus movimentos no entorno geográfico. A política de prestígio desenvolvida por Rio Branco decorreu da aspiração em diferenciar seu país do conjunto de nações do segmento sul do hemisfério, identificadas com convulsões políticas e insolvência financeira.

Climate governance in an international system under conservative hegemony: the role of major powers

In the last five years, climate change has been established as a central civilizational driver of our time. As a result of this development, the most diversified social processes - as well as the fields of science which study them - have had their dynamics altered. In International Relations, this double challenge could be explained as follows: 1) in empirical terms, climate change imposes a deepening of cooperation levels on the international community, considering the global common character of the atmosphere; and 2) to International Relations as a discipline, climate change demands from the scientific community a conceptual review of the categories designed to approach the development of global climate governance. The goal of this article is to discuss in both conceptual and empirical terms the structure of global climate change governance, through an exploratory research, aiming at identifying the key elements that allow understanding its dynamics. To do so, we rely on the concept of climate powers. This discussion is grounded in the following framework: we now live in an international system under conservative hegemony that is unable to properly respond to the problems of interdependence, among which - and mainly -, the climate issue.

Climate paradox of the G-8: legal obligations, policy declarations and implementation gap

This article analyzes the climate policy performance of the G-8 from 1992 to 2012 based on their legal commitments (Annex-1 and Annex-B countries) under the UNFCCC (1992) and the Kyoto Protocol (1997) and their policy declarations on their GHG reduction goals until 2050. A climate paradox has emerged due to a growing implementation gap in Canada, USA and Japan, while Russia, Germany, UK, France and Italy fulfilled their GHG reduction obligation.

The G-77, BASIC, and global climate governance: a new era in multilateral environmental negotiations

The G-77 has historically organized the participation of developing countries in multilateral environmental negotiations. This article analyses the impact of a new coalition of emerging powers - Brazil, China, India, and South Africa as BASIC - on the G-77's role in climate governance. While there are important benefits for both sides in their relationship, I argue that the G-77 is also disadvantaged in several concrete ways by the BASIC countries.

Fighting climate change in the air: lessons from the EU directive on global aviation

The European Union's (EU) decision to include aviation into the Emissions Trade Scheme was heatedly contested. Countries around the world, but mainly the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa group (BRICS) and the US, denounced the EU's initiate as illegal and unilateral. Following a decade of frustrated negotiations at the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), this paper interrogates why such measure, in principle climate-friendly, inspired so much global resentment. I argue that concerns with competitiveness and risks of legal inconsistency are important, but insufficient elements to explain the core of the conflict. The paper suggests that the EU was strongly criticized because third countries perceived this action as an imposed solution, which fostered an environment of distrust. Therefore, I claim that the problem has more to do with a normative divide than with a substantive divergence on what should be done regarding aviation emissions. My analysis is informed by the present literature on the links between trade and climate change, but gives particular weight to first-hand information through interviews with key stakeholders. The paper is divided in three parts. First, it presents the scope of the EU directive in historical perspective. Second, it explores the EU's measure through three different angles: legal, economical and political. The final part explores some possible solutions to overcome these divergences.