21 resultados para responsible government
Resumo:
The WT1 transcription factor regulates SRY expression during the initial steps of the sex determination process in humans, activating a gene cascade leading to testis differentiation. In addition to causing Wilms' tumor, mutations in WT1 are often responsible for urogenital defects in men, while SRY mutations are mainly related to 46,XY pure gonadal dysgenesis. In order to evaluate their role in abnormal testicular organogenesis, we screened for SRY and WT1 gene mutations in 10 children with XY partial gonadal dysgenesis, 2 of whom with a history of Wilms' tumor. The open reading frame and 360 bp of the 5' flanking sequence of the SRY gene, and the ten exons and intron boundaries of the WT1 gene were amplified by PCR of genomic DNA. Single-strand conformation polymorphism was initially used for WT1 mutation screening. Since shifts in fragment migration were only observed for intron/exon 4, the ten WT1 exons from all patients were sequenced manually. No mutations were detected in the SRY 5' untranslated region or within SRY open-reading frame sequences. WT1 sequencing revealed one missense mutation (D396N) in the ninth exon of a patient who also had Wilms' tumor. In addition, two silent point mutations were found in the first exon including one described here for the first time. Some non-coding sequence variations were detected, representing one new (IVS4+85A>G) and two already described (-7ATG T>G, IVS9-49 T>C) single nucleotide polymorphisms. Therefore, mutations in two major genes required for gonadal development, SRY and WT1, are not responsible for XY partial gonadal dysgenesis.
Resumo:
The objective of this study was to examine hepatitis B virus (HBV) subgenotypes and mutations in enhancer II, basal core promoter, and precore regions of HBV in relation to risks of liver cirrhosis (LC) and hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) in Southeast China. A case-control study was performed, including chronic hepatitis B (CHB; n=125), LC (n=120), and HCC (n=136). HBV was genotyped by multiplex polymerase chain reaction and subgenotyped by restriction fragment length polymorphism. HBV mutations were measured by DNA sequencing. HBV genotype C (68.2%) predominated and genotype B (30.2%) was the second most common. Of these, C2 (67.5%) was the most prevalent subgenotype, and B2 (30.2%) ranked second. Thirteen mutations with a frequency >5% were detected. Seven mutation patterns (C1653T, G1719T, G1730C, T1753C, A1762T, G1764A, and G1799C) were associated with C2, and four patterns (C1810T, A1846T, G1862T, and G1896A) were associated with B2. Six patterns (C1653T, G1730C, T1753C, A1762T, G1764A, and G1799C) were obviously associated with LC, and 10 patterns (C1653T, G1730C, T1753C, A1762T, G1764A, G1799C, C1810T, A1846T, G1862T, and G1896A) were significantly associated with HCC compared with CHB. Four patterns (C1810T, A1846T, G1862T, and G1896A) were significantly associated with HCC compared with LC. Multivariate regression analyses showed that HBV subgenotype C2 and C2-associated mutation patterns (C1653T, T1753C, A1762T, and G1764A) were independent risk factors for LC when CHB was the control, and that B2-associated mutation patterns (C1810T, A1846T, G1862T, and G1896A) were independent risk factors for HCC when LC was the control.
Resumo:
This article explores general concerns about government banking, social inclusion, and democracy through case study of the Brazilian federal government savings bank (Caixa Econômica Federal). Review of government savings banks in Brazilian history suggests that these institutions have been at the center of domestic political economy, expanding and contracting under a variety of political regimes and economic conditions. Since capitalization to meet central bank and Basel Accord guidelines in 2001, the Caixa has attempted to modernize, continue to serve as agent for government policies, and expand both popular credit and savings and investment banking activities.
Resumo:
Today the Washington Consensus on development lies in tatters. The recent history of the developing world has been unkind to the core claim that a nation that opens its economy and keeps government's role to a minimum invariably experiences rapid economic growth. The evidence against this claim is strong: the developing world as a whole grew faster during the era of state intervention and import substitution (1950-1980) than in the more recent era of structural adjustment (1990-2005); and the recent economic performance of both Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africaregions that truly embraced neoliberalismhas lagged well behind that of many Asian economies, which have instead pursued judicial and unorthodox combinations of state intervention and economic openness. As scholars and policy makers reconstruct alternatives to the Washington Consensus on development, it is important to underline that prudent and effective state intervention and selective integration with the global economy have been responsible for development success in the past; they are also likely to remain the recipes for upward mobility in the global economy in the future."
Resumo:
This paper objective is to assess, in light of the main works of Minsky, his view and analysis of what he called the "Big Government" as that huge institution which, in parallels with the "Big Bank" was capable of ensuring stability in the capitalist system and regulate its inherently unstable financial system in mid-20th century. In this work, we analyze how Minsky proposes an active role for the government in a complex economic system flawed by financial instability.
Resumo:
ABSTRACTAfter more than twenty years of low housing construction output, the housing policy recovered its momentum in the country with the ascent of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party, PT) to the seat of the federal government. This article demonstrates - through the analysis of documents, interviews and research conducted with businessmen - that the impetus of such a state policy is a part of the PT electoral strategy, which is based on economic growth and the expansion of social programs. The research analyses the dovetailing of interests between the Lula (the Brazilian President from 2003 to 2010) administration and the civil construction business - the latter concerned with expanding its business, and the former with increasing the supply of jobs and the level of economic activity. This process culminated in the launching of the largest social housing program to be implemented in the country. Minha Casa, Minha Vida (My House, My Life), is a project in whose planning building companies played a key role, performing feasibility studies and carrying out social housing projects.