19 resultados para export of manufactured goods


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Brazil is the world's largest producer of oranges and uses more than 70% of the harvested fruits in the production of juices. The amount of processed orange is growing about 10% per year, confirming the trend of the Brazilian citrus for juice production. This research aimed to investigate the Brazilian orange juice production chain from 2005 to 2009. Data from the amount of frozen juice produced and exported, international price of orange juice, and intermediate transactions were assessed in order to make possible selection of all interveners involved in the chain. The study using the Social Network Analysis (SNA) showed that the densest relationships in the network are from exporters to importers and from orange growers to the orange processing industry. No difference was found in the values of the network geodesic distance or the clustering coefficients from 2005 to 2009. The degree of centrality increased steadily throughout the years indicating that the processing industry attempts to minimize the risks by centralizing the actions. A decrease in export of orange juice from 2007 (2.07 10(6) t) to 2008 (2.05 10(6) t) was found, probably due to the world's financial crisis with recovery in 2009. Since 2004, there has been an increase of nearly 10% per year in the market preference of concentrate juice (OFCJ) when compared to the "not from concentrated" juice (NFC). Nowadays the NFC market represents nearly 50% of all Brazilian export which impacted in the logistic distribution and transportation issues.

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The Brazilian market in the XIX century: an approach through the cabotage commerce. The maritime commerce consisted of the main way of circulation of the goods between the Brazilian provinces until the second half of century XIX. Although the relatively big importance of the flows of commerce with the exterior, we note significant exchange of goods by sea between the Brazilian regions since the colonial period. A part of these exchanges derived from products destined in last instance to the foreigner or imported of the exterior. However, another part elapsed of national goods that had not arrived at be exported to the international market. Many goods for the colonial and imperial consumption had circulated by the Brazilian coasts in expressive sums. From the information raised for the imperial period, especially the decades of 1860 and 1870, we verify that most of the goods commercialized between the provinces consisted of national products destined to the internal consumption.

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Because of its high interest rates, Brazil attracts more and more speculative capital flows, called "hot money", under the form of foreign loans, direct or portfolio investments. Actually, the country is directly involved in a carry-trade strategy that tends to appreciate the real, what penalizes the Brazilian exportations of manufactured products. Moreover, capital inflows are extremely volatile, and their departure, causing a fall in loans granted to the Brazilian private banks, could provoke a dangerous burst of the speculative bubble they have contributed to form in the Brazilian real estate sector.

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The adequate way of neutralizing the Dutch disease is the imposition of a variable tax on the export of the commodity that originates the disease. If such tax is equivalent to the "size" of the Dutch disease, it will shifts to the right its supply curve of the commodity in relation to the exchange rate, giving the existing domestic supply and the international demand, the exchange rate will depreciate at the value of the tax, and the equilibrium exchange rate will move from the "current" to the "industrial" equilibrium.