145 resultados para justiça global


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In order to halt the depletion of global ecological capital, a number of different kinds of meetings between Governments of countries in the world has been scheduled. The need for global coordination of environmental policies has become ever more obvious, supported by more and more evidence of the running down of ecological capital. But there are no formal or binding arrangements in sight, as global environmental coordination suffers from high transaction costs (qualitative voting). The CO2 equivalent emissions, resulting in global warming, are driven by the unstoppable economic expansion in the global market economy, employing mainly fossil fuel generated energy, although at the same time lifting sharply the GDP per capita of several emerging countries. Only global environmental coordination on the successful model of the World Band and the IMF (quantitative voting) can stem the rising emissions numbers and stop further environmental degradation. However, the system of weighted voting in the WB and the IMF must be reformed by reducing the excessive voting power disparities, for instance by reducing all member country votes by the cube root expression.

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China has experienced not only high rates of economic growth as well as an unprecedented competitive international insertion since the turn of the century. This process was not guided solely by market forces or influenced by Government intervention in the economy. Although much has been argued that China's "going global" strategy is rooted in state action, and especially its policy of exchange rate depreciation and trade policy incentives for exports and investments abroad, we argue that the major determinant of this strategy, which established the basic conditions for industrial competitiveness, was its industrial policy. The focus of this article is on the changes in China's industrial structure, emphasizing that Chinese industrial policy is a central determinant of its international insertion strategy.

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This paper has as its purpose to analyze the insertion of Brazil in the international economic order, considering the fundaments of the world power, the global crisis, the geopolitical changes and their consequences on the global order. The text attempts to present the advantages and structural challenges for an adequate international insertion of technology are the key elements in a process of economic and social innovation whose goals are to build a richer society, more just and compassionate, and environmentally sustainable.

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This paper analyzes the causes of the slow recovery of the US economy since the financial crisis and Great Recession of 2008-9. Fallen house values and excessive household debts continue to depress consumer spending, while corporations are failing to invest in spite of record profits. The increasingly unequal distribution of income limits demand, while long-term structural transformations continue to erode employment creation. An expansionary monetary policy has been incapable of sparking a more robust recovery and fiscal policy has been shifted to an austerity stance. In this context, Brazil and other emerging market nations cannot count on the United States to continue to be the leading source of global demand as it was in previous decades.

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This paper analyses reasons of the instability of the world monetary system. The author considers this problem from historical and contemporary perspectives. According to presented point of view banknotes and electronic money which replaced gold and silver coins in popular circulation are the most important reason of the instability. There are also proven positive and negative consequences of money instability. Reforms of the world monetary system need agreement within the global collective hegemony of state-powers and transnational corporations.

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Textbook theory ignores capital flows: trade determines exchange rates and specialisation. Approaches taking the effects of capital movements adequately into account are needed, and a new theory of economic policy including measures to protect the real economy from external volatility. Equilibrating textbook mechanisms cannot work unless trade-caused surpluses and deficits set exchange rates. To allow orthodox trade theory to work one must hinder capital flows from destroying its very basis, which the IMF and wrong regulatory decisions have done, penalising production and trade. A new, real economy based theory is proposed, a Neoclassical agenda of controlling capital flows and speculation.

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De acordo com Lyotard, não poderíamos mais contar com o apoio de um sistema filosófico para fundamentar nosso conceito de justiça. A pluralidade é a grande marca da experiência do pensamento no nosso tempo e, por isso, deveríamos considerar o problema da justiça a partir dessa pluralidade e não contra ela. Isso não significa reduzir a questão da justiça ao jogo de opinião e das relações de dominação, mas significa concebê-la a partir de uma Idéia que é capaz de reconstituir a universalidade e também a finalidade na forma da coexistência das diferenças. Essa Idéia teria uma função reguladora sobre a diversidade das opiniões e se basearia no fato de que o julgar transcende a determinação do presente, pois projeta o porvir da humanidade. Se, por um lado, a Idéia é incapaz de gerar um conceito unitário de justiça, capaz de garantir a paz entre os diferentes, por outro, ela, ao menos, evita que se confundam unificação e dominação, promovendo acordos que sustentem a coexistência das diferenças.

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O objetivo do presente artigo é realizar uma análise da teoria da justiça como eqüidade de John Rawls em A Theory of Justice e no Political Liberalism, destacando seu modelo de complementaridade entre o deontológico e o procedimental com o teleológico e substancial, buscando responder algumas das críticas levantadas por autores comunitaristas à teoria rawlsiana de justiça e procurando apontar para suas semelhanças. Parto das críticas dos comunitaristas à teoria da justiça como eqüidade; posteriormente, analiso os aspectos teleológicos contidos em seu modelo deontológico; em seguida, destaco a intrínseca relação entre o procedimental e o substancial; por fim, apresento as respostas às críticas comunitaristas à Rawls, destacando a especificidade de sua concepção de justiça.

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Trata-se, neste artigo, de discutir a novidade introduzida por Rousseau em relação à noção moderna de soberania, que tem Bodin como representante fundador. A análise toma por objeto a relação entre soberania e leis civis, a qual é compreendida nos termos da oposição, encontrada no Contrato social, entre justiça natural e justiça civil.