A study of the relationship between educational placement and the achievement of urban low socioeconomic Hispanic middle school students with and without specific learning disabilities

Public schools traditionally have been held accountable for educating the majority of the nation’s school children, and through the years, these schools have been evaluated in a variety of ways. Currently, evaluation measures for accountability purposes consist solely of standardized test scores. In the past, only test scores of general education students were analyzed. Laws governing the education of students with disabilities, however, have extended accountability measures not only to include those students, but to report their scores in a disaggregated form (No Child Left Behind Act, 2001). The recent emphasis on accountability and compliance has resulted in the need for schools to carefully examine how programs, services, and policies impact student achievement (Bowers & Figgers, 2003). ^ Standard-based school reform and accountability systems have raised expectations about student learning outcomes for all students, including those with disabilities and minority students. Yet, overall, racial/ethnic minority students are performing well below their White non-Hispanic peers in most academic areas. Additionally, with respect to special education, there exists an enduring problem of disproportionate representation of racial/ethnic minority students (National Research Council, 2000). ^ This study examined classroom placement (inclusive versus non-inclusive) relative to academic performance of urban, low socioeconomic Hispanic students with and without disabilities in secondary content area classrooms. A mixed method research design was used to investigate this important issue using data from a local school district and results from field observations. The study compared performance levels of four middle school Hispanic student subgroups (students with disabilities in inclusive settings, students without disabilities in inclusive settings, students with disabilities in resource settings, and student without disabilities in general education settings) each in their respective placements for two consecutive years, exploring existing practices within authentic settings. ^ Significant differences were found in the relationship of educational placement and achievement between grade level and disability in the areas of math and reading. Additionally, clear and important differences were observed in student-teacher interactions. Recommendations for further researchers and stakeholders include soliciting responses from teams at the schools composed of general education and special education teachers, administrative personnel, and students as well as broadening the study across grade levels and exceptionalities. ^

Law Enforcement Actions in Urban Spaces Governed by Violent Non-State Entities: Lessons from Latin America

In response to a crime epidemic afflicting Latin America since the early 1990s, several countries in the region have resorted to using heavy-force police or military units to physically retake territories de facto controlled by non-State criminal or insurgent groups. After a period of territory control, the heavy forces hand law enforcement functions in the retaken territories to regular police officers, with the hope that the territories and their populations will remain under the control of the state. To a varying degree, intensity, and consistency, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Jamaica have adopted such policies since the mid-1990s. During such operations, governments need to pursue two interrelated objectives: to better establish the state’s physical presence and to realign the allegiance of the population in those areas toward the state and away from the non-State criminal entities. From the perspective of law enforcement, such operations entail several critical decisions and junctions, such as: Whether or not to announce the force insertion in advance. The decision trades off the element of surprise and the ability to capture key leaders of the criminal organizations against the ability to minimize civilian casualties and force levels. The latter, however, may allow criminals to go to ground and escape capture. Governments thus must decide whether they merely seek to displace criminal groups to other areas or maximize their decapitation capacity. Intelligence flows rarely come from the population. Often, rival criminal groups are the best source of intelligence. However, cooperation between the State and such groups that goes beyond using vetted intelligence provided by the groups, such as a State tolerance for militias, compromises the rule-of-law integrity of the State and ultimately can eviscerate even public safety gains. Sustaining security after initial clearing operations is at times even more challenging than conducting the initial operations. Although unlike the heavy forces, traditional police forces, especially if designed as community police, have the capacity to develop trust of the community and ultimately focus on crime prevention, developing such trust often takes a long time. To develop the community’s trust, regular police forces need to conduct frequent on-foot patrols with intensive nonthreatening interactions with the population and minimize the use of force. Moreover, sufficiently robust patrol units need to be placed in designated beats for substantial amount of time, often at least over a year. Establishing oversight mechanisms, including joint police-citizens’ boards, further facilities building trust in the police among the community. After disruption of the established criminal order, street crime often significantly rises and both the heavy-force and community-police units often struggle to contain it. The increase in street crime alienates the population of the retaken territory from the State. Thus developing a capacity to address street crime is critical. Moreover, the community police units tend to be vulnerable (especially initially) to efforts by displaced criminals to reoccupy the cleared territories. Losing a cleared territory back to criminal groups is extremely costly in terms of losing any established trust and being able to recover it. Rather than operating on a priori determined handover schedule, a careful assessment of the relative strength of regular police and criminal groups post-clearing operations is likely to be a better guide for timing the handover from heavy forces to regular police units. Cleared territories often experience not only a peace dividend, but also a peace deficit – in the rise new serious crime (in addition to street crime). Newly – valuable land and other previously-inaccessible resources can lead to land speculation and forced displacement; various other forms of new crime can also significantly rise. Community police forces often struggle to cope with such crime, especially as it is frequently linked to legal business. Such new crime often receives little to no attention in the design of the operations to retake territories from criminal groups. But without developing an effective response to such new crime, the public safety gains of the clearing operations can be altogether lost.