15 resultados para United States. Community Relations Service.

em Digital Commons at Florida International University


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Since the arrival of the first African slaves to Cuba in 1524, the issue of race has had a long-lived presence in the Cuban national discourse. However, despite Cuba’s colonial history, it has often been maintained by some historians that race relations in Cuba were congenial with racism and racial discrimination never existing as deep or widespread in Cuba as in the United States (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). In fact, it has been argued that institutionalized racism was introduced into Cuban society with the first U.S. occupation, during 1898–1902 (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). This study of Cuba investigates the influence of the United States on the development of race relations and racial perceptions in post-independent Cuba, specifically from 1898-1902. These years comprise the time period immediately following the final fight for Cuban Independence, culminating with the Cuban-Spanish-American War and the first U.S. occupation of Cuba. By this time, the Cuban population comprised Africans as well as descendants of Africans, White Spanish people, indigenous Cubans, and offspring of the intermixing of the groups. This research studies whether the United States’ own race relations and racial perceptions influenced the initial conflicting race relations and racial perceptions in early and post-U.S. occupation Cuba. This study uses a collective interpretative framework that incorporates a national level of analysis with a race relations and racial perceptions focus. This framework reaches beyond the traditionally utilized perspectives when interpreting the impact of the United States during and following its intervention in Cuba. Attention is given to the role of the existing social, political climate within the United States as a driving influence of the United States’ involvement with Cuba. This study reveals that emphasis on the role of the United States as critical to the development of Cuba’s race relations and racial perceptions is credible given the extensive involvement of the U.S. in the building of the early Cuban Republic and U.S. structures serving as models for reconstruction. U.S. government formation in Cuba aligned with a governing system reflecting the existing governing codes of the U.S. during that time period.

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This paper examines the issue of racial discrimination of Black United States (U.S.) restaurant patrons from a service quality and customer satisfaction perspective. In spite of the progress the industry has made in recent years to alleviate this problem, many contemporary examples clearly demonstrate that racial discrimination is still of great concern. The articles stresses the importance of an ethical approach in human resource management-intensive and offers suggestions for reducing discriminatory practices in U.S. restaurant service delivery.

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In the wake of a steadily increasing diversity in ethnicity among Blacks in the United States, efforts need to be made to analyze and understand the dynamics of the relations among the various Black ethnic groups in the United States. This thesis explores the present state of relations among these groups by utilizing an extensive literature review on the topic in conjunction with in-depth interviews. What is of particular interest here are the differing and similar intergroup perspectives on self-identity, as well as any cultural similarities and dissimilarities that exist. We find that the cultural dissimilarities create barriers to harmonious relations among the groups, while particular ideologies such as Pan-Africanism and Black nationalism provide the basis for strong unified fronts and partnerships for those who embrace them.

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This study examined immigrant minority students' perceptions of race relations and of the chances for social mobility in the United States (U.S.) using cohort samples of West Indian (N = 173) and Haitian (N = 191) students. The Students' responses collected during the 6th and 7th, 8th and 9th grades were analyzed to determine whether perceptions of racial mistrust, teacher derogation and social mobility varied depending on the student's length of stay in the U.S. or self-concept. Quantitative methodology was applied to data extrapolated from a larger epidemiological longitudinal study consisting of 7,386 middle school students in Miami (Vega and Gil, 1998). ^ Results show that West Indian and Haitian students' perceptions of racial mistrust, teacher derogation and social mobility were associated more with student's self-concept than length of stay. Students with more favorable self-concepts reported greater optimism toward social mobility than those with less favorable self-concepts. Results also indicate that in the context of parental education and SES that racial mistrust is the strongest predictor of these students' level of optimism towards social mobility. ^

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In this thesis I sought to explain the origins of national security concerns over foreign investments in the United States from 1919 to 2008. I identified and examined 29 cases of national security concerns over foreign investments in the United States during that period, and argued that in order to understand the circumstances under which foreign investments in the United States are perceived to be threats to the U.S. security we must rely on a combination of democratic peace theory and the version of political realism known as power transition theory. Thus, I tested the argument that national security concerns over foreign investments in the United States from 1919 to 2008 resulted from: (1) perceptions of international power transition, (2) perceptions of ideological and institutional differences between the United States and the home country of the investor, (3) perceptions of the strategic importance of the sector where the investment is made, and (4) perceptions of participation or control of the foreign investor by the government of the country of origin. I found that all these hypotheses have some explanatory power.

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The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history. This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Chávez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Chávez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Chávez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat. The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910-1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.

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For all their efforts to avoid a nuclear North Korea, the Clinton and Bush administrations failed to achieve this goal, the most important policy objective of the United States in its relations with North Korea for decades, mainly because of inconsistencies in U.S. policy. This dissertation seeks to explain why both administrations ultimately failed to prevent North Korea from going nuclear. It finds the origins of this failure in the implementation of different U.S. policy options toward North Korea during the Clinton and Bush administrations. To explain the lack of policy consistency, the dissertation investigates how the relations between the executive and the legislative branches and, more specifically, different government types—unified government and divided government—have affected U.S. policy toward North Korea. It particularly emphasizes the role of Congress and partisan politics in the making of U.S. policy toward North Korea. This study finds that divided government played a pivotal role. Partisan politics are also central to the explanation: politics did not stop at the water’s edge. A divided U.S. government produced more status quo policies toward North Korea than a unified U.S. government, while a unified government produced more active policies than a divided government. Moreover, a unified government with a Republican President produced more aggressive policies toward North Korea, whereas a unified government with a Democratic President produced more conciliatory policies. This study concludes that the different government types and intensified partisan politics were the main causes of the inconsistencies in the United States’ North Korea policy that led to a nuclear North Korea.

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Paracalanus quasimodo and Temora turbinata are two calanoid copepods prominent in the planktonic communities of the southeastern United States. Despite their prominence, the species and population level structure of these copepods is yet unexplored. The phylogeographic, temporal and phylogenetic structure of P. quasimodo and T. turbinata are examined in my study. Samples were collected from ten sites along the Gulf of Mexico and Florida peninsular coasts. Three sites were sampled quarterly for two years. Individuals were screened for unique ITS-1 sequences with denaturing gradient gel electrophoresis. Unique variants were sequenced at the nuclear ITS-1 and mitochondrial COI loci. Sampling sites were analyzed for pairwise community differences and for variances between geographic and temporal groupings. Genetic variants were analyzed for phylogenetic and coalescent topology. Paracalanus quasimodo is highly structured geographically with populations divided between the Gulf of Mexico, temperate Atlantic and subtropical Atlantic, in addition to isolation by distance. No significant differences were detected between the T. turbinata samples. Both P. quasimodo and T. turbinata are stable within sites over time and between sites within a sampling period, with two exceptions. The first was a pilot sample from Miami taken two years prior to the general sampling whose community showed significant differences from most of the other Miami samples. Paracalanus quasimodo had a positive correlation of Fst with time. The second was high temporal variability detected in the samples from Fort Pierce. Phylogenetically, both P. quasimodo and T. turbinata were in well supported, congeneric clades. Paracalanus quasimodo was not monophyletic, divided into two well-supported clades. Temora turbinata variants were in one clade with insignificant support for topology within the clade and very little intraspecific variation. Paracalanus quasimodo and T. turbinata populations show opposite trends. Paracalanus quasimodo occurs near shore and shows population structure mediated by hydrological features and distance, both geographic and temporal. The phylogeny shows two deeply divergent clades suggestive of cryptic speciation. In contrast, T. turbinata populations range further offshore and show little geographic or temporal structure. However, the low genetic variation detected in this region suggests a recent bottleneck event.

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Transpiration-driven nutrient accumulation has been identified as a potential mechanism governing the creation and maintenance of wetland vegetation patterning. This process may contribute to the formation of nutrient-rich tree islands within the expansive oligotrophic marshes of the Everglades (Florida, United States). This study presents hydrogeochemical data indicating that tree root water uptake is a primary driver of groundwater ion accumulation across one of these islands. Sap flow, soil moisture, water level, water chemistry, and rainfall were measured to identify the relationships between climate, transpiration, and groundwater uptake by phreatophytes and to examine the effect this uptake has on groundwater chemistry and mineral formation in three woody plant communities of differing elevations. During the dry season, trees relied more on groundwater for transpiration, which led to a depressed water table and the advective movement of groundwater and dissolved ions, including phosphorus, from the surrounding marsh towards the centre of the island. Ion exclusion during root water uptake led to elevated concentrations of all major dissolved ions in the tree island groundwater compared with the adjacent marsh. Groundwater was predominately supersaturated with respect to aragonite and calcite in the lower-elevation woody communities, indicating the potential for soil formation. Elevated groundwater phosphorous concentrations detected in the highest-elevation woody community were associated with the leaching of inorganic sediments (i.e. hydroxyapatite) in the vadose zone. Understanding the complex feedback mechanisms regulating plant/groundwater/surface water interactions, nutrient dynamics, and potential soil formation is necessary to manage and restore patterned wetlands such as the Everglades.

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The present study comparatively examined the socio-political and economic transformation of the indigenous Sámi in Sweden and the Indian American in the United States of America occurring first as a consequence of colonization and later as a product of interaction with the modern territorial and industrial state, from approximately 1500 to 1900. The first colonial encounters of the Europeans with these autochthonous populations ultimately created an imagery of the exotic Other and of the noble savage. Despite these disparaging representations, the cross-cultural settings in which these interactions took place also produced the hybrid communities and syncretic life that allowed levels of cultural accommodation, autonomous space, and indigenous agency to emerge. By the nineteenth century, however, the modern territorial and industrial state rearranges the dynamics and reaches of power across a redefined territorial sovereign space, consequently, remapping belongingness and identity. In this context, the status of indigenous peoples, as in the case of Sámi and of Indian Americans, began to change at par with industrialization and with modernity. At this point in time, indigenous populations became a hindrance to be dealt with the legal re-codification of Indigenousness into a vacuumed limbo of disenfranchisement. It is, thus, the modern territorial and industrial state that re-creates the exotic into an indigenous Other. The present research showed how the initial interaction between indigenous and Europeans changed with the emergence of the modern state, demonstrating that the nineteenth century, with its fundamental impulses of industrialism and modernity, not only excluded and marginalized indigenous populations because they were considered unfit to join modern society, it also re-conceptualized indigenous identity into a constructed authenticity.

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This study examined immigrant minority students' perceptions of race relations and of the chances for social mobility in the United States (U.S.) using cohort samples of West Indian (N=173) and Haitian (N=191) students. The Students' responses collected during the 6th and 7th, 8th and 9th grades were analyzed to determine whether perceptions of racial mistrust, teacher derogation and social mobility varied depending on the student's length of stay in the U.S. or self-concept. Quantitative methodology was applied to data extrapolated from a larger epidemiological longitudinal study consisting of 7, 386 middle school students in Miami (Vega and Gil, 1998). Results show that West Indian and Haitian students' perceptions of racial mistrust, teacher derogation and social mobility were associated more with student's self-concept than length of stay. Students with more favorable self-concepts reported greater optimism toward social mobility than those with less favorable self-concepts. Results also indicate that in the context of parental education and SES that racial mistrust is the strongest predictor of these students' level of optimism towards social mobility.

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Developed countries give foreign assistance for many reasons, one of which is the protection of national interests. Foreign aid gives a donor country leverage in international relations and is used as a tool of foreign policy. The United States and Japan are the two largest aid donors in the world. Each of these countries exert influence over specific regions through foreign assistance. Although the national interests of each country are different, both use foreign aid to protect these interests. This thesis discusses the means by which the United States and Japan use foreign aid in foreign policy. It looks specifically at U.S. food aid to Central America and Japanese aid to Asia.

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The present study comparatively examined the socio-political and economic transformation of the indigenous Sámi in Sweden and the Indian American in the United States of America occurring first as a consequence of colonization and later as a product of interaction with the modern territorial and industrial state, from approximately 1500 to 1900. ^ The first colonial encounters of the Europeans with these autochthonous populations ultimately created an imagery of the exotic Other and of the noble savage. Despite these disparaging representations, the cross-cultural settings in which these interactions took place also produced the hybrid communities and syncretic life that allowed levels of cultural accommodation, autonomous space, and indigenous agency to emerge. By the nineteenth century, however, the modern territorial and industrial state rearranges the dynamics and reaches of power across a redefined territorial sovereign space, consequently, remapping belongingness and identity. In this context, the status of indigenous peoples, as in the case of Sámi and of Indian Americans, began to change at par with industrialization and with modernity. At this point in time, indigenous populations became a hindrance to be dealt with the legal re-codification of Indigenousness into a vacuumed limbo of disenfranchisement. It is, thus, the modern territorial and industrial state that re-creates the exotic into an indigenous Other. ^ The present research showed how the initial interaction between indigenous and Europeans changed with the emergence of the modern state, demonstrating that the nineteenth century, with its fundamental impulses of industrialism and modernity, not only excluded and marginalized indigenous populations because they were considered unfit to join modern society, it also re-conceptualized indigenous identity into a constructed authenticity.^

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Paracalanus quasimodo and Temora turbinata are two calanoid copepods prominent in the planktonic communities of the southeastern United States. Despite their prominence, the species and population level structure of these copepods is yet unexplored. The phylogeographic, temporal and phylogenetic structure of P. quasimodo and T. turbinata are examined in my study. Samples were collected from ten sites along the Gulf of Mexico and Florida peninsular coasts. Three sites were sampled quarterly for two years. Individuals were screened for unique ITS-1 sequences with denaturing gradient gel electrophoresis. Unique variants were sequenced at the nuclear ITS-1 and mitochondrial COI loci. Sampling sites were analyzed for pairwise community differences and for variances between geographic and temporal groupings. Genetic variants were analyzed for phylogenetic and coalescent topology. Paracalanus quasimodo is highly structured geographically with populations divided between the Gulf of Mexico, temperate Atlantic and subtropical Atlantic, in addition to isolation by distance. No significant differences were detected between the T. turbinata samples. Both P. quasimodo and T. turbinata are stable within sites over time and between sites within a sampling period, with two exceptions. The first was a pilot sample from Miami taken two years prior to the general sampling whose community showed significant differences from most of the other Miami samples. Paracalanus quasimodo had a positive correlation of Fst with time. The second was high temporal variability detected in the samples from Fort Pierce. Phylogenetically, both P. quasimodo and T. turbinata were in well supported, congeneric clades. Paracalanus quasimodo was not monophyletic, divided into two well-supported clades. Temora turbinata variants were in one clade with insignificant support for topology within the clade and very little intraspecific variation. Paracalanus quasimodo and T. turbinata populations show opposite trends. Paracalanus quasimodo occurs near shore and shows population structure mediated by hydrological features and distance, both geographic and temporal. The phylogeny shows two deeply divergent clades suggestive of cryptic speciation. In contrast, T. turbinata populations range further offshore and show little geographic or temporal structure. However, the low genetic variation detected in this region suggests a recent bottleneck event.