6 resultados para Relationship Conflict

em Digital Commons at Florida International University


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The purpose of this study was twofold. The first was to further clarify and expand or understanding of the relationship between interpersonal conflict, incivility, and their roles as stressors in the stressor-strain relationship. The second goal was to examine how neuroticism, extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, trait anger, and sphere specific locus of control moderate the stressor-strain relationship between task conflict, relationship conflict, incivility and workplace and health outcomes. The results suggest that extraversion, neuroticism, conscientiousness, agreeableness, trait anger, and locus of control play significant roles in how workplace aggression affects individuals. These findings suggest that occupations that experience a high level of workplace aggression should consider incorporating these personality traits into their selection system as a way of limiting or reducing the effects workplace aggression can have on individual health, wellbeing, and job outcomes.

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This study examines the role of race, socioeconomic status, and individualism-collectivism as moderators of the relationship between selected work and family antecedents and work-family conflict and evaluates the contribution of energy-based conflict to the work-family conflict (WFC) research. The study uses data obtained from a survey questionnaire given to 414 participants recruited from an online labor market. Study hypotheses were tested through structural equation modeling. The results indicate that while moderating effects were slight, a proposed model where energy-based conflict is included outperforms traditional time/strain/behavior-based models and that established variables may drop to non-significance when additional variables are included in prediction. In addition, novel individual difference variables such as individualism and collectivism were demonstrated to have effects beyond moderating antecedent-outcome relationships in the model. The findings imply that WFC models would benefit from the inclusion of variables found in the current study.

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Interpersonal conflicts have the potential for detrimental consequences if not managed successfully. Understanding the factors that contribute to conflict resolution has implications for interpersonal relationships and the workplace. Researchers have suggested that personality plays an important and predictable role in conflict resolution behaviors (Chanin & Schneer, 1984; Kilmann & Thomas, 1975; Mills, Robey & Smith, 1985). However, other investigators have contended that contextual factors are important contributors in triggering the behavioral responses (Shoda & Mischel, 2000; Mischel & Shoda, 1995). The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationships among personality types, demographic characteristics and contextual factors on the conflict resolution behaviors reported by graduate occupational therapy students (n = 125). ^ The study design was correlational. The Myers Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) and the Thomas-Kilmann (MODE) Instrument were used to establish the personality types and the context independent conflict resolution behaviors respectively. The effects of contextual factors of task vs. relationship and power were measured with the Conflict Case Scenarios Questionnaire (CCSQ). One-way ANOVA and linear regression procedures were used to test the relationships between personality types and demographic characteristics with the context independent conflict behaviors. Chi-Square procedures of the personality types by contextual conditions ascertained the effects of contexts in modifying the resolution modes. Descriptive statistics established a profile of the sample. ^ The results of the hypotheses tests revealed significant relationships between the personality types of feeling-thinking and sensing-intuition with the conflict resolution behaviors. The contextual attributes of task vs. relationship orientation and of peer vs. supervisor relationships were shown to modify the conflict behaviors. Furthermore, demographic characteristics of age, gender, GPA and educational background were shown to have an effect on the conflict resolution behaviors. The knowledge gained has implications for students' training, specifically understanding their styles and use of effective conflict resolution strategies. It also contributes to the knowledge on management approaches and interpersonal competencies and how this might facilitate the students' transition to the clinical role. ^

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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: (1) hyper militarization, (2) intimidation,(3) coercion, (4) criminalization, (5) panoptic surveillance, (6) plenary security measures, and (7) unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: (1) official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; (2) militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and (3) case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-à-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

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This study examined the influence of age, expertise, and task difficulty on children's patterns of collaboration. Six- and eight-year-old children were individually pretested for ability to copy a Lego model and then paired with each other and asked to copy two more models. The design was a 3 (dyad skill level: novice, expert, or mixed) X 2 (age: six or eight) X 2 (task difficulty: moderate or complex) factorial. Results indicated that cooperation increased with age and expertise and decreased with task difficulty. However, expertise had a greater influence on younger than older children's interaction styles. It is argued that with age, social skills may become as important as expertise in determining styles of collaboration. The issue is raised of whether cooperation, domination, and independence represent developmental sequences (i.e., independence precedes cooperation) or whether they represent personal styles of interaction. Finally, it is suggested that an important goal for future research is to assess the relationship between patterns of collaboration and learning.

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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: 1., hyper militarization, 2., intimidation, 3., coercion, 4., criminalization, 5., panoptic surveillance, 6., plenary security measures, and 7., unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: 1., official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; 2., militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and 3., case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-a-vis the relationship between US security and global security.