7 resultados para Lack of labor and social security rights
em Digital Commons at Florida International University
Resumo:
The increasing similarity between the economic policies of center-left and center-right political parties has effectively diminished the legitimacy of governments in relationship to their citizenry in Western Europe and the U.S. Capitalist democracies during the period of managed capitalism gained legitimacy by the appearance of the separation of capitalist ownership rights in the marketplace from the political institutions that govern capitalism. During this period, Social Democratic parties in Western Europe, and to a lesser extent the Democratic Party in the U.S., paid some amount of attention to labor unions and mass constituents in formulating their policy agendas. The era of neoliberalism (late 1970s to the present) has broken any such appearances, with the dominant political parties, regardless of party label, moving rightward to embrace many of the same economic policy agendas.
Resumo:
Every year, 16 million women aged 15 to 19 years give birth globally. Adolescent births account for 11% of all births globally and 23% of the overall burden of disability and diseases due to pregnancy and childbirth. In the United States, 750,000 adolescents (15-19 years) become pregnant each year, making the United States the developed country with the highest rates of adolescent pregnancy. The economic burden of adolescent pregnancy in the U. S. is $7-15 billion per year. Adolescent pregnancy brings risks associated with pregnancy induced hypertension, preterm infants, maternal and neonatal mortality. Social factors include poverty, low educational levels, alcohol, and drug use. Between 30-50% of adolescent mothers who have a first birth before age 18 years will have a second child within 12 to 24 months. Subsequent adolescent pregnancies compound fetal and maternal risks. Many vulnerable adolescent mothers succumb to external pressures and have a repeat adolescent pregnancy while others are able to overcome the challenges of an adolescent pregnancy and prevent a repeat adolescent pregnancy. This cross sectional survey designed study investigated the effects of resilience and social influences on contraceptive use or abstinence by Black and Hispanic adolescent parenting mothers to prevent a repeat adolescent pregnancy. 140 adolescent mothers were recruited from three postpartum units of a tertiary hospital system in Miami, Florida. The Wagnild and Young Resilience Scale and the Adolescent Social Influence Scale were used to measure resilience and social influences, respectively. Demographic data, length of labor, plan for contraceptive use or abstinence were measured by an investigator developed instrument. Point biserial correlation showed a significant positive correlation between Black adolescent mothers' resilience and contraceptive use (r =.366, p2(11, N=133) = 27.08, p =.004. (OR = .28). These results indicate a need for interventional strategies to maximize resilience in parenting adolescents to prevent a repeat adolescent pregnancy.
Resumo:
This study assesses and describes the perception of clinical competency and the relationship to clinical practice of full-time nursing faculty in the associate degree nursing programs in the state of Florida. The study was developed around one major hypothesis and four research questions. The Hygiene-Motivators Theory proposed by Herzberg, Mausner, and Snyderman (1959) provided the conceptual framework to explain factors that would motivate a person to expand workload and maintain job satisfaction.^ Data were collected from the 244 faculty members teaching full-time at the 15 associate degree schools of nursing accredited by the National League for Nursing in the state of Florida. A total of 186 faculty (76%) responded and 175 (72%) cases were used for data analysis.^ Two instruments were modified and combined for the investigation. The instruments were the Faculty Perception of Practice Questionnaire (Parascenzo, 1983) and a three-part Attributes Deemed Necessary for Faculty to Proclaim Clinical Competency (Smith, 1991) scale. Computer analyses employing descriptive and inferential statistics were performed.^ The findings revealed that faculty were closely divided as to practice activities with more faculty nonpracticing than practicing. Factors identified as impediments to increased clinical practice were identified as teaching load and personal/family responsibilities that lead to a lack of time and lack of opportunity. Those faculty who practice did so as moonlighters in positions that would not require advanced training. Both the practicing and nonpracticing faculty reported a high level of satisfaction with their activities as a means of maintaining clinical practice. While both groups reported a high level of expertise, those practicing faculty perceived themselves to be more clinically competent on the attributes of knowledge, skills, and on the total attribute scale. It was further revealed that perception of competency declined with the length of time spent out of practice. There was no difference in the two groups on the attributes of values/attitude. ^
Resumo:
During the Cold War the foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), was heavily criticized by scholars and activists for following the lead of the U.S. state in its overseas operations. In a wide range of states, the AFL-CIO worked to destabilize governments selected by the U.S. state for regime change, while in others the Federation helped stabilize client regimes of the U.S. state. In 1997 the four regional organizations that previously carried out AFL-CIO foreign policy were consolidated into the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity Center). My dissertation is an attempt to analyze whether the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO in the Solidarity Center era is marked by continuity or change with past practices. At the same time, this study will attempt to add to the debate over the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the post-Cold War era, and its implications for future study. Using the qualitative "process-tracing" detailed by of Alexander George and Andrew Bennett (2005) my study examines a wide array of primary and secondary sources, including documents from the NED and AFL-CIO, in order to analyze the relationship between the Solidarity Center and the U.S. state from 2002-2009. Furthermore, after analyzing broad trends of NED grants to the Solidarity Center, this study examines three dissimilar case studies including Venezuela, Haiti, and Iraq and the Middle East and North African (MENA) region to further explore the connections between U.S. foreign policy goals and the Solidarity Center operations. The study concludes that the evidence indicates continuity with past AFL-CIO foreign policy practices whereby the Solidarity Center follows the lead of the U.S. state. It has been found that the patterns of NED funding indicate that the Solidarity Center closely tailors its operations abroad in areas of importance to the U.S. state, that it is heavily reliant on state funding via the NED for its operations, and that the Solidarity Center works closely with U.S. allies and coalitions in these regions. Finally, this study argues for the relevance of "top-down" NGO creation and direction in the post-Cold War era.
Resumo:
Context: Due to a unique combination of factors, outdoor athletes in the Southeastern United States are at high risk of lightning deaths and injuries. Lightning detection methods are available to minimize lightning strike victims. Objective: Becoming aware of the risk factors that predispose athletes to lightning strikes and determining the most reliable detection method against hazardous weather will enable Certified Athletic Trainers to develop protocols that protect athletes from injury. Data Sources: A comprehensive literature review of Medline and Pubmed using key words: lightning, lightning risk factors, lightning safety, lightning detection, and athletic trainers and lightning was completed. Data Synthesis: Factors predisposing athletes to lighting death or injury include: time of year, time of day, the athlete’s age, geographical location, physical location, sex, perspiration level, and lack of education and preparedness by athletes and staff. Although handheld lightning detectors have become widely accessible to detect lightning strikes, their performance has not been independently or objectively confirmed. There is evidence that these detectors inaccurately detect strike locations by recording false strikes and not recording actual strikes. Conclusions: Lightning education and preparation are two factors that can be controlled. Measures need to be taken by Certified Athletic Trainers to ensure the safety of athletes during outdoor athletics. It is critical for athletic trainers and supervising staff members to become fully aware of the risks of lightning strikes in order to most effectively protect everyone under their supervision. Even though lightning detectors have been manufactured in an attempt to minimize death and injuries due to lightning strikes, none of the detectors have been proven to be 100% effective. Educating coaches, athletes, and parents on the risks of lightning and the detection methods available, while implementing an emergency action plan for lightning safety, is crucial to ensure the well being of the student-athlete population.
Resumo:
During the Cold War the foreign policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), was heavily criticized by scholars and activists for following the lead of the U.S. state in its overseas operations. In a wide range of states, the AFL-CIO worked to destabilize governments selected by the U.S. state for regime change, while in others the Federation helped stabilize client regimes of the U.S. state. In 1997 the four regional organizations that previously carried out AFL-CIO foreign policy were consolidated into the American Center for International Labor Solidarity (Solidarity Center). My dissertation is an attempt to analyze whether the foreign policy of the AFL-CIO in the Solidarity Center era is marked by continuity or change with past practices. At the same time, this study will attempt to add to the debate over the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the post-Cold War era, and its implications for future study. Using the qualitative “process-tracing” detailed by of Alexander George and Andrew Bennett (2005) my study examines a wide array of primary and secondary sources, including documents from the NED and AFL-CIO, in order to analyze the relationship between the Solidarity Center and the U.S. state from 2002-2009. Furthermore, after analyzing broad trends of NED grants to the Solidarity Center, this study examines three dissimilar case studies including Venezuela, Haiti, and Iraq and the Middle East and North African (MENA) region to further explore the connections between U.S. foreign policy goals and the Solidarity Center operations. The study concludes that the evidence indicates continuity with past AFL-CIO foreign policy practices whereby the Solidarity Center follows the lead of the U.S. state. It has been found that the patterns of NED funding indicate that the Solidarity Center closely tailors its operations abroad in areas of importance to the U.S. state, that it is heavily reliant on state funding via the NED for its operations, and that the Solidarity Center works closely with U.S. allies and coalitions in these regions. Finally, this study argues for the relevance of “top-down” NGO creation and direction in the post-Cold War era.
Resumo:
This qualitative study, based on interviews to 17 refugee families, attempts to identify the reasons behind the lack of integration of Colombian refugees in Costa Rica. The model of Immigrant Modes of Incorporation and the studies of Alejandro Portes and Julia Sensenbrenner about the sources of social capital on migrant communities provided the theoretical framework used to identify the roots of the integration challenges. The findings suggest that Costa Rican policies towards the reception and integration of Colombian refugees are exclusionary. The host labor market is marked by sentiments of xenophobia towards the sample population while reported cases of persecution in the country also inhibit this population's economic integration. The lack of social capital sources contributes to inhibit this community's development, despite their participation in informal networks. There were signs of collective action. Yet, the refugee community fails to come together, while it also seems alienated from the community of Colombian entrepreneurs in Costa Rica.