Evaluating the impacts of Bolsa Escola programs on student performance in Brazil

Since the 1980s, governments and organizations have promoted cash transfers in education as a tool for motivating elementary aged children to attend school. Oftentimes, the monthly payments supplemented the income a child would be making in the labor market. In Brazil, where these Bolsa or grant programs were pioneered, there has been much success in removing children from harsh labor conditions and increasing enrollment rates among the poorest families. However, the capacity of Bolsa Escola programs to meet other objectives, such as impacting educational outcomes and reducing incidences of poverty, continues to be examined. As these programs continue to be adopted globally, funding millions of children and families, evidence that demonstrates such success becomes ever more imperative. This study, therefore, examined evidence to determine whether Bolsa Escola programs have a significant impact on the academic performance of beneficiaries in Brazil. ^ Through the course of three data collection phases, multiple data sources were used to demonstrate the academic performance of fourth and eighth grade Brazilian students who were eligible to participate in either an NGO or the federal cash transfer program. MANOVAs were conducted separately for fourth and eighth grade data to determine if significant differences existed between measures of academic performance of Bolsa and non-Bolsa students. In every case and for both grade levels, significant effects were found for participation. ^ The limited qualitative data collected did not support drawing conclusions. Thematic analysis of the limited interview data pointed to possible dependency on Bolsa monthly stipends, and reallocation of responsibilities in the home in cases where children shifted from being breadwinners to students. ^

Big city days: Race and labor in early Miami, 1914--1925

The purpose of this study was to recast Miami's social history during the first three decades of the twentieth century through an examination of working class life. The thesis attempts to fill a gap in the literature while also expanding on the advances made in race and class studies of the United States. Through an analysis of local newspapers, minutes of a carpenter's union, and other archival sources, the thesis demonstrates how white workers obtained a virtual monopoly in skilled jobs over black workers, particularly in the construction industry, and exacted economic pressure on business through the threat of work stoppages. Driven by the concern to maintain smooth and steady growth amidst a vibrant tourist economy, business reluctantly worked with labor to maintain harmonious market conditions. Blacks, however, were able to gain certain privileges in the labor market through challenging the rigid system of segregation and notions of what constituted skilled labor. The findings demonstrate that Miami's labor unions shaped the city's social, cultural, and political landscape but the extent of their power was limited by booster discourse and the city's dependence on tourism. ^

Global Capitalism, Immigrant Labor, and the Struggle for Justice

Around the world borders are militarized, states are stepping up repressive anti-immigrant controls, and native publics are turning immigrants into scapegoats for the spiraling crisis of global capitalism. The massive displacement and primitive accumulation unleashed by free trade agreements and neo-liberal policies, as well as state and “private” violence has resulted in a virtually inexhaustible immigrant labor reserve for the global economy. State controls over immigration and immigrant labor have several functions for the system: 1) state repression and criminalization of undocumented immigration make immigrants vulnerable and deportable and therefore subject to conditions of super-exploitation, super-control and hyper-surveillance; 2) anti-immigrant repressive apparatuses are themselves ever more important sources of accumulation, ranging from private for-profit immigrant detention centers, to the militarization of borders, and the purchase by states of military hardware and systems of surveillance. Immigrant labor is extremely profitable for the transnational corporate economy; 3) the anti-immigrant policies associated with repressive state apparatuses help turn attention away from the crisis of global capitalism among more privileged sectors of the working class and convert immigrant workers into scapegoats for the crisis, thus deflecting attention from the root causes of the crisis and undermining working class unity. This article focuses on structural and historical underpinnings of the phenomenon of immigrant labor in the new global capitalist system and on how the rise of a globally integrated production and financial system, a transnational capitalist class, and transnational state apparatuses, have led to a reorganization of the world market in labor, including deeper reliance on a rapidly expanding reserve army of immigrant labor and a vicious new anti-immigrant politics. It looks at the United States as an illustration of the larger worldwide situation with regard to immigration and immigrant justice. Finally, it explores the rise of an immigrant justice movement around the world, observes the leading role that immigrant workers often play in worker’s struggles and that a mass immigrant rights movement is at the cutting edge of the struggle against transnational corporate exploitation. We call for replacing the whole concept of national citizenship with that of global citizenship as the only rallying cry that can assure justice and equality for all.