4 resultados para Labor and laboring classes--United States

em Digital Commons at Florida International University


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This paper examines the history of U.S. interventions in Latin America and attempts to explain their frequency by highlighting two factors – besides security and economic interests – that have made American interventions in Latin America so common. First, immense differences in size and influence between the United States and the States of Latin America have made interventions appear to be a low risk solution to crises that threaten American interests in the region. Second, when U.S government concerns and aspirations for Latin America converge with the general fears and aspirations of American foreign policy, interventions become much more likely. Such a convergence pushes Latin American issues high up the U.S. foreign policy agenda because of the region’s proximity to the United States and the perception that costs of intervening are low. The leads proponents of intervention to begin asking questions like “if we cannot stop communism/revolutions/drug-trafficking in Latin America, where can we stop it?” This article traces how these factors influenced the decision to intervene in Latin America during the era of Dollar Diplomacy and during the Cold War. It concludes with three possible scenarios that could lead to a reemergence of an American interventionist policy in Latin America. It makes the argument that even though the United Sates has not intervened in Latin America during the twenty-two years, it is far from clear that American interventions in Latin America will be consigned to the past.

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The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history. This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Chávez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Chávez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Chávez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat. The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910-1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.

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How children rate vegetables may be influenced by the preparation method. The primary objective of this study was for first grade students to be involved in a cooking demonstration and to taste and rate vegetables raw and cooked. First grade children of two classes (N= 52: 18 boys and 34 girls (approximately half Hispanic) that had assented and had signed parental consent participated in the study. The degree of liking a particular vegetable was recorded by the students using a hedonic scale of five commonly eaten vegetables tasted first raw (pre-demonstration) and then cooked (post-demonstration). A food habit questionnaire was filled out by parents to evaluate their mealtime practices and beliefs about their child’s eating habits. Paired sample t-tests revealed significant differences in preferences for vegetables in their raw and cooked states. Several mealtime characteristics were significantly associated with children’s vegetable preferences. Parents who reported being satisfied with how often the family eats evening meals together were more likely to report that their child eats adequate vegetables for their health (p=0.026). Parents who stated that they were satisfied with their child’s eating habits were more likely to report that their child was trying new foods (p<.001). Cooking demonstrations by nutrition professionals may be an important strategy that can be used by parents and teachers to promote vegetable intake. It is important that nutrition professionals provide guidance to encourage consumption of vegetables for parents so that they can model the behavior of healthy food consumption to their children.

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This study examines changes in the Cuban family in the United States produced by time, migration, and the rise of new generations. The thesis will use a data set extracted from the 5% Public Use Microdata Series (PUMS) of the U.S. Decennial Census of Population for the years 1970, 1980 and 1990. Contingency table analysis and comparison of means were used to examine various family-related variables. The analysis points to changes in the traditional Cuban family towards less traditional family arrangements. The multigenerational feature of the Cuban household has diminished as the elderly have become independent and are more likely to be living on their own. Although female labor participation remains high, the occupational patterns of the first generation of Cuban women have diversified and a new trend has emerged for the second generation. The second generation of Cuban women demonstrates a strong inclination for white-collar occupations. Fertility rates remain low.