Jurors' use of social framework evidence

Monahan and Walker (1988) delineated three uses of social science evidence within the courts: social authority, social fact, and social framework. Social authority evidence is social science evidence used in making policy or law. Social fact evidence is social science evidence that describes research undertaken expressly for the case at hand. Social framework evidence involves providing conclusions from previously conducted social science research to assist jurors in evaluating the other evidence in the case. Although this type of evidence has traditionally been presented via expert testimony, Monahan and Walker (1988) have suggested that, because the social science research involved comes from the extant literature and is not the province of any particular expert, it would be more economical to have the judge present this information as part of the judicial instructions to the jury. This study tested the implicit assumption that the presentation of the social framework evidence by the judge will have the same impact on juror verdicts as presentation of this evidence by an expert. ^ Two hundred mock jurors watched a videotaped hostile work environment sexual harassment trial. The social framework evidence consisted of the discussion of factors that have been found to increase the likelihood of sex stereotyping of women by men. The trial included either no social framework evidence, social framework evidence presented by the expert, or social framework evidence presented in judicial instructions. ^ Results indicated that men who heard the social framework evidence from the judge were more likely to vote for the defendant than men who heard no social framework evidence. Men who heard the judicial instruction with the social framework evidence also rated the plaintiff as less credible than the other men and women in the study. Thus, it appears that, for men, social framework evidence presented by the judge harms the plaintiff's case by reducing ratings of her credibility, but the same evidence presented by an expert does not affect men's verdicts. For women, however, social framework evidence, irrespective of who presents it, enhances the plaintiff's case. ^

Development of an open architecture motion control system

A multipurpose open architecture motion control system was developed with three platforms for control and monitoring. The Visual Basic user interface communicated with the operator and gave instructions to the electronic components. The first platform had a BASIC Stamp based controller and three stepping motors. The second platform had a controller, amplifiers and two DC servomotors. The third platform had a DSP module. In this study, each platform was used on machine tools either to move the table or to evaluate the incoming signal. The study indicated that by using advanced microcontrollers, which use high-level languages, motor controllers, DSPs (Digital Signal Processor) and microcomputers, the motion control of different systems could be realized in a short time. Although, the proposed systems had some limitations, their jobs were performed effectively. ^

Improving caches in consolidated environments

Memory (cache, DRAM, and disk) is in charge of providing data and instructions to a computer's processor. In order to maximize performance, the speeds of the memory and the processor should be equal. However, using memory that always match the speed of the processor is prohibitively expensive. Computer hardware designers have managed to drastically lower the cost of the system with the use of memory caches by sacrificing some performance. A cache is a small piece of fast memory that stores popular data so it can be accessed faster. Modern computers have evolved into a hierarchy of caches, where a memory level is the cache for a larger and slower memory level immediately below it. Thus, by using caches, manufacturers are able to store terabytes of data at the cost of cheapest memory while achieving speeds close to the speed of the fastest one.^ The most important decision about managing a cache is what data to store in it. Failing to make good decisions can lead to performance overheads and over-provisioning. Surprisingly, caches choose data to store based on policies that have not changed in principle for decades. However, computing paradigms have changed radically leading to two noticeably different trends. First, caches are now consolidated across hundreds to even thousands of processes. And second, caching is being employed at new levels of the storage hierarchy due to the availability of high-performance flash-based persistent media. This brings four problems. First, as the workloads sharing a cache increase, it is more likely that they contain duplicated data. Second, consolidation creates contention for caches, and if not managed carefully, it translates to wasted space and sub-optimal performance. Third, as contented caches are shared by more workloads, administrators need to carefully estimate specific per-workload requirements across the entire memory hierarchy in order to meet per-workload performance goals. And finally, current cache write policies are unable to simultaneously provide performance and consistency guarantees for the new levels of the storage hierarchy.^ We addressed these problems by modeling their impact and by proposing solutions for each of them. First, we measured and modeled the amount of duplication at the buffer cache level and contention in real production systems. Second, we created a unified model of workload cache usage under contention to be used by administrators for provisioning, or by process schedulers to decide what processes to run together. Third, we proposed methods for removing cache duplication and to eliminate wasted space because of contention for space. And finally, we proposed a technique to improve the consistency guarantees of write-back caches while preserving their performance benefits.^

Confirmation bias in witness interviewing: Can interviewers ignore their preconceptions?

Basic research on expectancy effects suggests that investigative interviewers with pre-conceived notions about a crime may negatively influence the interview process in meaningful ways, yet many interviewing protocols recommend that interviewers review all available information prior to conducting their interviews. Previous research suggests that interviewers with no pre-interview knowledge elicit more detailed and accurate accounts than their informed counterparts (Cantlon, et al., 1996; Rivard et al., under review). The current study investigated whether (a) the benefit of blind versus informed interviewing is moderated by cautionary interviewer instructions to avoid suggestive questions and (b) whether any possible effects of pre-interview information extend beyond the immediate context of the forensic interview. ^ Paired participants (N = 584) were assigned randomly either to the role of interviewer or witness. Witnesses viewed a mock crime video and were interviewed one week later by an interviewer who received either correct, incorrect, or no information about the crime event. Half of the interviewers were assigned randomly to receive additional instructions to avoid suggestive questions. All participants returned 1 week after the interview to recall the crime video (for the witness) or the information recalled by the witness during the interview (for the interviewer). All interviews and delayed recall measures were scored for the quantity and accuracy of information reported. ^ Results replicate earlier findings that blind interviewers elicit more information from witnesses, without a decrease in accuracy rate. However instructions to avoid suggestive questions did not moderate the effect of blind versus informed interviewing on witness recall during the interview. Results further demonstrate that the effects of blind versus non-blind interviewing may extend beyond the immediate context of the interview to a later recall attempt. With instructions to avoid suggestive questions, witnesses of blind interviewers were more accurate than witnesses of incorrectly informed interviewers when recalling the event 1 week later. In addition, blind interviewers had more accurate memories for the witnesses' account of the event during the interview compared to non-blind interviewers.^

Jury decision making and the Story Model: How do deliberation style and evidence order influence the story that juries create?

This study investigated the utility of the Story Model for decision making at the jury level by examining the influence of evidence order and deliberation style on story consistency and guilt. Participants were shown a video-taped trial stimulus and then provided case perceptions including a guilt judgment and a narrative about what occurred during the incident. Participants then deliberated for approximately thirty minutes using either an evidence-driven or verdict-driven deliberation style before again providing case perceptions, including a guilt determination, a narrative about what happened during the incident, and an evidence recognition test. Multi-level regression analyses revealed that evidence order, deliberation style and sample interacted to influence both story consistency measures and guilt. Among students, participants in the verdict-driven deliberation condition formed more consistent pro-prosecution stories when the prosecution presented their case in story-order, while participants in the evidence-driven deliberation condition formed more consistent pro-prosecution stories when the defense's case was presented in story-order. Findings were the opposite among community members, with participants in the verdict-driven deliberation condition forming more consistent pro-prosecution stories when the defense's case was presented in story-order, and participants in the evidence-driven deliberation condition forming more consistent pro-prosecution stories when the prosecution's case was presented in story-order. Additionally several story consistency measures influenced guilt decisions. Thus there is some support for the hypothesis that story consistency mediates the influence of evidence order and deliberation style on guilt decisions.

The influence of processing instructions at encoding and retrieval on face recognition accuracy

Whereas previous research has demonstrated that trait ratings of faces at encoding leads to enhanced recognition accuracy as compared to feature ratings, this set of experiments examines whether ratings given after encoding and just prior to recognition influence face recognition accuracy. In Experiment 1 subjects who made feature ratings just prior to recognition were significantly less accurate than subjects who made no ratings or trait ratings. In Experiment 2 ratings were manipulated at both encoding and retrieval. The retrieval effect was smaller and nonsignificant, but a combined probability analysis showed that it was significant when results from both experiments are considered jointly. In a third experiment exposure duration at retrieval, a potentially confounding factor in Experiments 1 and 2, had a nonsignificant effect on recognition accuracy, suggesting that it probably does not explain the results from Experiments 1 and 2. These experiments demonstrate that face recognition accuracy can be influenced by processing instructions at retrieval.