Dark Teens and Dangerous Nature- Neopagan Narratives of Cultural Marginalization

Sarah M. Pike, Professor of Comparative Religion and Director of the Humanities Center at California State University, Chico, presents a lecture on the subject of projections of both evil and witchcraft on young adults. Lecture held at the Green Library, Modesto Maidique Campus, Florida International University on September 30, 2014.

Quantification of standards of proof thresholds in criminal and civil litigation

Standards of proof in law serve the purpose of instructing juries as to the expected levels of confidence in determinations of fact. In criminal trials, to reach a guilty verdict a jury must be satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt, and in civil trials by a preponderance of the evidence. The purposes of this study are to determine the quantitative thresholds used to make these determinations; to ascertain the levels of juror agreement with basic principles of justice; and to try to predict thresholds and beliefs by juror personality characteristics. Participants read brief case descriptions and indicated thresholds in percentages, their beliefs in various principles, and completed three personality measures. A 92-94% threshold in criminal and an 80% threshold in civil matters was found; but prediction by personality was not supported. Significant percentages of jurors disavowed the presumptions of innocence and right to counsel.

Differences in treatment and intervention needs of girls arrested for status versus criminal offenses

The purpose of this research was to explore the differences in factors associated with girls' status and criminal arrests. This study used data from six juvenile justice programs in multiple states, which was derived from the Juvenile Assessment and Intervention System (JAIS). The sample of 908 adolescent girls (ages 13-19) was ethnically and racially diverse (41% African American, 32% white, 12% Hispanic, 11% Native American and 4% Other). A structural equation model (SEM) was analyzed which tested the potential effects of adolescent substance use, truancy, suicidal ideation/attempt, self-harm, peer legal trouble, parental criminal history and parental and non-parental abuse on type of offense (status and criminal) and whether any of these relationships varied as a function of race/ethnicity. ^ Complex relationships emerged regarding both status and more serious criminal arrests. One of the most important findings was that distinct and different patterns of factors were associated with status arrests compared to criminal arrests. For example, truancy and parental abuse were directly associated with status offenses, whereas parental criminal history was directly related to criminal arrests. However, both status and criminal arrests shared common associations, including substance use, which signifies that certain variables are influential regarding both non-criminal and more serious crimes. In addition, significant meditating influences were observed which help to explain some underlying mechanisms involved in girls' arrest patterns. Finally, race/ethnicity moderated a key relationship, which has serious implications for treatment. ^ In conclusion, the present study is an important contribution to research regarding girls' delinquency in that it overcomes limitations in the existing literature in four primary areas: (1) it utilizes a large, multi-state, ethnically and racially diverse sample of justice system-involved girls, (2) it examines numerous co-occurring factors influencing delinquency from multiple domains (family, school, peers, etc.) simultaneously, (3) it formally examines race/ethnicity as a moderator of these multivariate relationships, and (4) it looks at status and criminal arrests independently in order to highlight possible differences in the patterning of risk factors associated with each. These findings have important implications for prevention, treatment and interventions with girls involved in the juvenile justice system.^

Mapping Transnational Crime in El Salvador: New Trends and Lessons from Colombia

Since El Salvador’s civil war formally ended in 1992 the small Central American nation has undergone profound social changes and significant reforms. However, few changes have been as important or as devastating as the nation’s emergence as a central hub in the transnational criminal “pipeline” or series of recombinant, overlapping chains of routes and actors that illicit organizations use to traffic in drugs, money weapons, human being, endangered animals and other products. The erasing of the once-clear ideological lines that drove the civil war and the ability of erstwhile enemies to join forces in criminal enterprises in the post-war period is an enduring and dangerous characteristic of El Salvador’s transnational criminal evolution. Trained, elite cadres from both sides, with few legitimate job opportunities, found their skills were marketable in the growing criminal structures. The groups moved from kidnapping and extortion to providing protection services to transnational criminal organizations to becoming integral parts of the organizations themselves. The demand for specialized military and transportation services in El Salvador have exploded as the Mexican DTOs consolidate their hold on the cocaine market and their relationships with the transportista networks, which is still in flux. The value of their services has risen dramatically also because of the fact that multiple Mexican DTOs, at war with each other in Mexico and seeking to physically control the geographic space of the lucrative pipeline routes in from Guatemala to Panama, are eager to increase their military capabilities and intelligence gathering capacities. The emergence of multiple non-state armed groups, often with significant ties to the formal political structure (state) through webs of judicial, legislative and administrative corruption, has some striking parallels to Colombia in the 1980s, where multiple types of violence ultimately challenged the sovereignty of state and left a lasting legacy of embedded corruption within the nation’s political structure. Organized crime in El Salvador is now transnational in nature and more integrated into stronger, more versatile global networks such as the Mexican DTOs. It is a hybrid of both local crime – with gangs vying for control off specific geographic space so they can extract payment for the safe passage of illicit products – and transnational groups that need to use that space to successfully move their products. These symbiotic relationships are both complex and generally transient in nature but growing more consolidated and dangerous.

The early development and pilot -testing of a case management intervention with victims of stalking: An evaluation study

This study evaluated the early development and pilot-testing of Project IMPACT, a case management intervention for victims of stalking. The Design and Development framework (Rothman & Thomas, 1994) was used as a guide for program development and evaluation. Nine research questions examined the processes and outcomes associated with program implementation. ^ The sample included all 36 clients who participated in Project IMPACT between February of 2000 and June of 2001, as well as the victim advocates who provided them with services. Quantitative and qualitative data were drawn from client case files, participant observation field notes and interview transcriptions. Quantitative data were entered into three databases where: (1) clients were the units of analysis (n = 36), (2) services were the units of analysis (n = 1146), and (3) goals were the units of analysis (n = 149). These data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, Pearson's Chi-square, Spearman's Rho, Phi, Cramer's V, Wilcoxon's Matched Pairs Signed-Ranked Test and McNemar's Test Statistic. Qualitative data were reduced via open, axial and selective coding methods. Grounded theory and case study frameworks were utilized to analyze these data. ^ Results showed that most clients noted an improved sense of well-being and safety, although residual symptoms of trauma remained for numerous individuals. Stalkers appeared to respond to criminal and civil justice-based interventions by reducing violent and threatening behaviors; however, covert behaviors continued. The study produced findings that provided preliminary support for the use of several intervention components including support services, psycho-education, safety planning, and boundary spanning. The psycho-education and safety planning in particular seemed to help clients cognitively reframe their perceptions of the stalking experience and gain a sense of increased safety and well-being. A 65% level of satisfactory goal achievement was observed overall, although goals involving justice-based organizations were associated with lower achievement. High service usage was related to low-income clients and those lacking in social support. Numerous inconsistencies in program implementation were found to be associated with the skills and experiences of victim advocates. Thus, recommendations were made to further refine, develop and evaluate the intervention. ^

Stray dogs in Bucharest, and the political economy of Romanian socialism. From hunting the “enemies” of Stalinist economy, to poisoning urban parasites, and the rise of urban anarchy: 1950s-1990s.

My paper discusses three different ways in which stray dogs have been intertwined with ideologies of economic and urban development in Romania. I categorize results from archival and ethnographic research under three major time periods: early socialism, late socialism, and post-socialism. During early socialism stray dogs were seen to be damaging the soviet economy by killing species that humans could also hunt, like rabbits. During late socialism, stray dogs appeared as the enemies of the communist city, and the department of urban sanitation was given orders to poison dogs with strychnine. Finally, the increasing number of stray dogs in Bucharest after the collapse of communism was seen as a direct result of former communist demolitions, and was also taken as a sign of the collapsing state. Through such examples my paper discusses how the state and particular population groups have seen dogs as parts of an unwanted and dangerous nature, rather than a species that needs to be protected. I argue that distinctions of nature and culture have served discourses of civilization and the view of Bucharest as a model socialist, and then European city. Throughout my paper I juxtapose the treatment of stray dogs with other, more “valued” urban natures like the protection of parks, the wide-spread hobby of pigeon breeding during socialist years, the most recent debate on saving the rural area of Rosia Montana from non-environmentally friendly methods of gold extraction, and the current trend of healthy eating and living.

Una sociedad legalista: Abogados, procuradores de causas y la creación de una cultura legal colonial en Lima y Potosí, 1540–1670

This study deals with the formation, reproduction, and the role in litigation of two branches of the legal profession, lawyers and procurators. They were the experts in charge of civil, criminal, and ecclesiastical litigation during the Old Regime. While the lawyers provided erudite legal advice, procurators oriented and drove the procedure as legal representatives of their clients. The European legal revolutions of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries forged a new legal culture in which the lawsuit was reputed to be the best way to settle disputes. Likewise, that legal culture conferred an important place to specialists as legal facilitators of the contending parties. When Castilians exported their legal system to the New World, they spread a complex and bureaucratic framework, contributing to the reproduction of a class of experts in urban spaces. Lima and Potosi, two urban centers created in the sixteenth century, quickly became significant ‘legal cities’. This dissertation explores how the legal markets of these cities operated, the careers of their specialists, their professional options, social images regarding them, and litigation costs. This study examines the careers of 267 facilitators and demonstrates that they constituted a class of distinctive legal professionals. Legal culture embodies the representation and use of law. The closeness of specialists with litigants, in particular of procurators familiarized the parties with litigation and its complex processes. These specialists forged dominant legal discourses and manipulated juridical order. Litigants were not passive agents of their specialists. Caciques and members of the Hispanicized communities appropriated the law in a visible way as the growing litigiousness illustrates. Colonial law (of a pluralistic basis) was an arena of assertion and discussion of rights by different social actors, encomenderos, leading citizens, widows, native chieftains, artisans, and commoners. This study concludes that this struggle and manipulation served to legitimate the role of those legal experts and gave birth to a complex legalistic society in the Andes under Spanish Habsburg rule.

Human Security and Crime in Latin America: The political Capital and Political Impact of Criminal Groups and Belligerents Involved in Illicit Economies

Organized crime and illegal economies generate multiple threats to states and societies. But although the negative effects of high levels of pervasive street and organized crime on human security are clear, the relationships between human security, crime, illicit economies, and law enforcement are highly complex. By sponsoring illicit economies in areas of state weakness where legal economic opportunities and public goods are seriously lacking, both belligerent and criminal groups frequently enhance some elements of human security of the marginalized populations who depend on illicit economies for basic livelihoods. Even criminal groups without a political ideology often have an important political impact on the lives of communities and on their allegiance to the State. Criminal groups also have political agendas. Both belligerent and criminal groups can develop political capital through their sponsorship of illicit economies. The extent of their political capital is dependent on several factors. Efforts to defeat belligerent groups by decreasing their financial flows through suppression of an illicit economy are rarely effective. Such measures, in turn, increase the political capital of anti-State groups. The effectiveness of anti-money laundering measures (AML) also remains low and is often highly contingent on specific vulnerabilities of the target. The design of AML measures has other effects, such as on the size of a country’s informal economy. Multifaceted anti-crime strategies that combine law enforcement approaches with targeted socio-economic policies and efforts to improve public goods provision, including access to justice, are likely to be more effective in suppressing crime than tough nailed-fist approaches. For anti-crime policies to be effective, they often require a substantial, but politically-difficult concentration of resources in target areas. In the absence of effective law enforcement capacity, legalization and decriminalization policies of illicit economies are unlikely on their own to substantially reduce levels of criminality or to eliminate organized crime. Effective police reform, for several decades largely elusive in Latin America, is one of the most urgently needed policy reforms in the region. Such efforts need to be coupled with fundamental judicial and correctional systems reforms. Yet, regional approaches cannot obliterate the so-called balloon effect. If demand persists, even under intense law enforcement pressures, illicit economies will relocate to areas of weakest law enforcement, but they will not be eliminated.