The Decolonization of Northwest Community College

In 1996, the authors of the Canadian Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples concluded Canadian educational policy had been based on the false assumption of the superiority of European worldviews. The report authors recommended the transformation of curriculum and schools to recognize that European knowledge was not universal. Aboriginal researcher Battiste believes the current system of Canadian education causes Aboriginal children to face cognitive imperialism and cognitive assimilation and that this current practice of cultural racism in Canada makes educational institutions a hostile environment for Aboriginal learners. In order to counter this cultural racism, Battiste calls for the decolonization of education. In 2005, the president of Northwest Community College (NWCC), publicly committed to decolonizing the college in order to address the continuing disparity in educational attainment between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal learners. Upon the president’s departure in 2010, the employees of NWCC were left to define for themselves the meaning of decolonization. This qualitative study was designed to build a NWCC definition of colonization and decolonization by collecting researcher observations, nine weeks of participant blog postings, and pre and post blog Word survey responses drawn from a purposeful sample of six Aboriginal and six non-Aboriginal NWCC employees selected from staff, instructor and administrator employee groups. The findings revealed NWCC employees held multiple definitions of colonization and decolonization which did not vary between employee groups, or based on participant gender; however, differences were found based on whether the participants were Aboriginal or non-Aboriginal. Both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal participants thought decolonization was a worthy goal for the college. Aboriginal participants felt hopeful that decolonization would happen in the future and thought decolonization had to do with moving forward to a time when they would be valued, respected, empowered, unashamed, safe, and viewed as equal to non-Aboriginals. Non-Aboriginal participants were unsure if decolonization was possible because it would require going back in time to restore the Aboriginal way of life. When non-Aboriginal participants felt their thoughts were not being valued or they were being associated with colonialism, they felt angry and guarded and were uncomfortable with Aboriginal participants expressing anger towards Colonizers.

Mining in Peru: Indigenous and Peasant Communities vs. The State and Mining Capital

The Peruvian economy depends for its growth on the export of natural resources and investment in the mining and hydrocarbon sectors. Peruvian governments and mining corporations have confronted anti-mining protests in different ways. While the current government has introduced policies of social inclusion to soften the negative effects of the operations of mining capital and policies of dialogue to engage social actors with the essence of governmental policies, mining companies use corporate social responsibility programs as a cover for the devastating effects of their operations on the environment and the livelihoods and habitats of the indigenous and peasant communities. Curiously, in the current context of the declining commodity prices and export volumes the Peruvian government strengthens its extractivist model of development. This article argues that whatever government that follows the rules of capital cannot but favor the corporations. It points out the main adversaries of the indigenous and peasant communities and the problems to transform the locally and/or regionally struggle into a nationwide battle for another development model.

Water for the Wayuu: Procurement and maximization of a limited resource among indigenous pastoralists on the Guajira Peninsula of northern Colombia

For the Wayuu of the Guajira Peninsula of northern Colombia, water procurement has historically been challenging. The ancestral territory of this indigenous pastoral society is windy and arid, with low rainfall, high temperatures and an absence of perennial rivers or streams. In the past, the Wayuu adapted to these environmental conditions by practicing transhumance during the prolonged dry seasons, digging spring wells and artificial ponds and by following guiding principles for water usage. Since the 1930s, the government has made efforts to build additional wind-powered wells and ponds for a growing native population. Notwithstanding, these water solutions have only partly met the necessities; public water sources are limited or unreliable and few attempts are made to generate safe drinking water. Furthermore, the ubiquitous practice of animal husbandry places added pressure on existing sources; livestock consume more water than the human populations in the areas visited. Rapid assessments in four Wayuu areas on the peninsula were conducted by the author and an interdisciplinary team working for the Cerrejón Foundation for Water in La Guajira from 2010 to 2013. The assessments were part of a larger pilot project to design and implement a sustainability plan for reservoir-based water supply systems in the region. This study brings cultural practices and local knowledge to the forefront as key elements for the success of water works and other development projects carried out in Wayuu territory.