A study of state and trait anxiety and perceived causes of anxiety identified by licensed practical nurses returning to an associate degree nursing program

The purpose of this study was to identify the state and trait anxiety and the perceived causes of anxiety in licensed practical nurses (LPNs) returning to an associate degree nursing program in order to become registered nurses (RNs). The subjects for this study were 98 students enrolled in a transitional LPN/RN associate degree nursing program in two community colleges in the state of Florida. The State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI) developed by Spielberger (1983), was used as the measuring instrument for this study.^ In addition, a Q-sort technique was used to obtain information from the subjects regarding perceived causes of anxiety. Anxiety causes for the Q-sort cards used in the study were developed from the themes identified by a sample of LPN/RN students in a pilot study. The state and trait anxiety levels were obtained using the STAI for college students scoring key and scales. Descriptive statistics were used to determine the state and trait anxiety of the students. Correlational statistics were used to determine if relationships existed between the state and trait anxiety levels and perceived causes of anxiety identified by LPN students returning to an associate degree nursing program.^ The analysis of the Q-sort was performed by computing the means, standard deviations, and frequencies of each cause. The mean trait anxiety level of the students was 57.56, $SD=29.69.$ The mean state anxiety level of the students was 68.21, $SD=25.78.$ Higher percentile scores of trait anxiety were associated with higher ranks of the Q-sort category, "failing out of the program," $\rm r\sb{s}=.27,\ p=.008.$ Implications for future nursing research and application of the findings to nursing education are presented. ^

The eye of the beholder: The impact of a district implementation plan of state mandates as perceived by the implementers

The purpose of this inquiry was to investigate the impact of a large, urban school district's experience in implementing a mandated school improvement plan and to examine how that plan was perceived, interpreted, and executed by those charged with the task. The research addressed the following questions: First, by whom was the district implementation plan designed, and what factors were considered in its construction? Second, what impact did the district implementation plan have on those charged with its implementation? Third, what impact did the district plan have on the teaching and learning practices of a particular school? Fourth, what aspects of the implemention plan were perceived as most and least helpful by school personnel in achieving stated goals? Last, what were the intended and unintended consequences of an externally mandated and directed plan for improving student achievement? The implementation process was measured against Fullan's model as expounded upon in The Meaning of Educational Change (1982) and The New Meaning of Educational Change (1990). The Banya implementation model (1993), because it added a dimension not adequately addressed by Fullan, was also considered.^ A case study was used as the methodological framework of this qualitative study. Sources of data used in this inquiry included document analysis, participant observations in situ, follow-up interviews, the "long" interview, and triangulation. The study was conducted over a twelve-month period. Findings were obtained from the content analysis of interview transcripts of multiple participants. Results were described and interpreted using the Fullan and Banya models as the descriptive framework. A cross-case comparison of the multiple perspectives of the same phenomena by various participants was constructed.^ The study concluded that the school district's implementation plan to improve student achievement was closely aligned to Fullan's model, although not intentionally. The research also showed that where there was common understanding at all levels of the organization as to the expectations for teachers, level of support to be provided, and availability of resources, successful implementation occured. The areas where successful implementation did not occur were those where the complexity of the changes were underestimated and processes for dealing with unintended consequences were not considered or adequately addressed. The unique perspectives of the various participants, from the superintendent to the classroom teacher, are described. Finally, recommendations for enhancement of implementation are offered and possible topics for further research studies are postulated. ^

Comparative Analysis of State and Non-State Higher Educational Institutions in Terms of their Adaptation to New Societal Conditions in Post-Soviet Russia

The present paper investigates post-Soviet non-state and state higher educational institutions in terms of students’ perceptions of school curriculum, quality of teaching, available educational resources and overall organization in their higher educational institutions.

Political strategy, leadership, and policy entrepreneurship in Japanese defense policy and politics: A comparison of three prime ministerships

Since the end of the Cold War, Japan's defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan's defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.

Political Strategy, Leadership, and Policy Entrepreneurship in Japanese Defense Policy and Politics: A Comparison of Three Prime Ministerships

Since the end of the Cold War, Japan’s defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan’s defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.