Eastern Orthodox Christian fasting in northeastern Pennsylvania

The purpose of this research was to examine the fasting practices of Eastern Orthodox Christians (EOCs) in northeastern Pennsylvania. Fasting, according to Eastern Orthodox Church doctrine, is primarily abstinence from meat, dairy products, fish and certain other foods during Easter Lent and other periods, for approximately 180 days annually. Goals were to discern what EOCs consider their fasting rules to be, their actual fasting practices, what factors influence this practice and the relationship of fasting to nutrition. Methodology included 29 months of ethnographic fieldwork at local parishes, content analysis of local written materials and semi-structured interviews of 58 core church members. A pile sort was conducted whereby subjects classified various foods according to fasting or non-fasting status and then sorted the fasting foods into a hierarchy of avoidance. Data were analyzed using ANTHROPAC and NVivo software. Results included identification of a cognitive hierarchy of avoidance, with meat the most important to avoid, followed by dairy and alcoholic beverages. An important finding was the differences in subjects' knowledge of Church doctrine and a wide variation in their actual fasting practices. Contrary to Church doctrine, fish was not usually perceived as a food to abstain from. A historic Byzantine Catholic presence in the area (with a different fasting doctrine), family members who did not fast, and health concerns were some factors that affected fasting practices. A conclusion is that while meat, dairy and alcoholic beverages were usually categorized as foods to avoid during fasts, it is not possible to generalize with regard to actual practices or the impact of fasting on nutrition, due to individual variation. It was demonstrated that qualitative data could provide information that can be crucial to know prior to conducting quantitative nutrition research or counseling. Findings of this study suggest that one cannot assume subjects who belong to a given religion that has prescribed food avoidance practices are following them homogeneously and/or according to official doctrine. ^

Professionalism and Ethics in Hospitality

In their discussion - Professionalism and Ethics in Hospitality - by James R. Keiser, Associate Professor and John Swinton, Instructor, Hotel, Restaurant and Institutional Management, The Pennsylvania State University, Keiser and Swinton initially offer: “Referring to “the hospitality profession” necessitates thinking of the ethics of that profession and how ethics can be taught. The authors discuss what it means for the hospitality industry to be a profession.” The authors will have you know, a cursory nod to the term or description, profession and/or professional, is awarded to the hospitality industry at large; at least in an academic sense. Keiser and Swinton also want you to know that ethics, and professionalism are distinctly unique concepts, however, they are related. Their intangible nature does make them difficult, at best, to define, but ethics in contemporary hospitality has, to some degree, been charted and quantified. “We have left the caveat emptor era, and the common law, the Uniform Commercial Code, and a variety of local ordinances now dictate that the goods and services hospitality offers carry an implied warranty of merchantability,” the authors inform you. About the symbiotic relationship between ethics and professionalism, the authors say this: The less precise a code of ethics goes, the general rule, the fewer claims the group has to professional status.” The statement above may be considered a cornerstone principle. “However, the mere existence of an ethical code (or of professional status, for that matter) does not ensure ethical behavior in any group,” caution Keiser and Swinton. “Codes of ethics do not really define professionalism except as they adopt a group's special, arcane, exclusionary jargon. Worse, they can define the minimum, agreed-upon standards of conduct and thereby encourage ethical corner-cutting,” they further qualify the thought. And, in bridging academia, Keiser and Swinton say, “Equipped now with a sense of the ironies and ambiguities inherent in labeling any work "professional," we can turn to the problem of instilling in students a sense of what is professionally ethical. Students appear to welcome this kind of instruction, and while we would like to think their interest comes welling up from altruism and intellectual curiosity rather than drifting down as Watergate and malpractice fallout, our job is to teach, not to weigh the motives that bring us our students, and to provide a climate conducive to ethical behavior, not supply a separate answer for every contingency.” Keiser and Swinton illustrate their treatise on ethics via the hypothetical tale [stylized case study] of Cosmo Cuisiner, who manages the Phoenix, a large suburban restaurant. Cosmo is “…a typical restaurant manager faced with a series of stylized, over-simplified, but illustrative decisions, each with its own ethical skew for the students to analyze.” A shortened version of that case study is presented. Figure 1 outlines the State Restaurant Association Code of Ethics.