7 resultados para Dominance hierarchy

em Digital Commons at Florida International University


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Somatic growth in fishes is regulated by a variety of hormones. A central step in this hormonal network is the growth hormone-insulin-like growth factor-I (IGF-I) axis. Studies conducted evaluated the relationship of hepatic IGF-I (hIGF-1) mRNA with growth as affected by feeding regimes (satiation or restricted level; daily or alternate-day feeding), temperatures (high, ambient, low) and by social stress. To develop a cellular means for the quantification of hIGF-I mRNA levels in O. niloticus, hIGF-I cDNA was isolated and cloned. The partial sequence of IGF-I cDNA encodes for signal peptide, mature protein and a portion of the E-domain. A sensitive TaqMan quantitative reverse transcription-polymerase chain reaction (qRT-PCR) assay was developed based on the mature IGF-I. Using the developed qRT-PCR assay a significant positive correlation was observed between hIGF-I mRNA levels and growth rate of fish reared under different feeding regimes (r = 0.64) and temperature conditions (r = 0.64). On the dynamics of hIGF-I gene expression in response to elevated temperature, hIGF-I mRNA levels were significantly elevated after at least 2 days of exposure to warm temperature. This validates the concept that hIGF-I gene expressions are sufficiently sensitive to be used as a rapid growth rate indicator for O. niloticus. The hIGF-I levels have a significant positive correlation with specific growth rate (length; r = 0.92), and with condition factor (r = 0.55). On the effect of social stress, differential alterations in growth rates between the dominant and subordinates were observed which was attributed more to behavioral changes as transduced by physiological regulators. The fish's relative position in the social hierarchy was consistently reflected in the levels of hIGF-I mRNA and the eye color pattern. Subordination depressed hIGF-I levels while dominance stimulated it. These findings have shown that hGF-I level remained positively correlated to growth rate as affected by feeding regime, temperature and social stress. This suggests that hIGF-I plays a key role in controlling growth in O. niloticus and indicates that IGF-I mRNA quantification could prove useful for the rapid assessment of growth rate in this species of fish.

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This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat ), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah ( Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

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Identity shapes how people make sense of the world. Sexual minorities’ sexual orientations and gender identities fall outside of heteronormative categorizations. Adults engage in diverse relationships: many of them fall outside of heteronormative boundaries. As an instrument of social justice, Adult Education can be a site for BDSM identity development.

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This article compares two recent analyses of continuity and change in the American power structure since 1900, with a main focus on the years after World War II. The first analysis asserts that the “corporate elite” has fractured and fragmented in recent decades and no longer has the unity to have a collective impact on public policy. The second analysis claims that corporate leaders remain united, albeit with moderate-conservative and ultra-conservative differences on several issues, and continue to have a dominant collective impact on public policies that involve their major goals. After comparing the two perspectives on key issues from 1900 to 1945, the article analyzes the fractured-elite theory’s three claims about the postwar era: an activist government constrained the corporate elite, the union movement negotiated a capital-labor accord; and bank boards created policy cohesion among corporations. Finally, it compares the two perspectives on tax issues, health-care policies, and trade expansion between 1990 and 2010.

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This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah (Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.