The impact of the juvenile intervention facility on the adjudication of delinquent youth in Broward County

Considerable funds have been allocated in the area of juvenile justice in attempts to reduce and prevent the problem of juvenile delinquency. Much of these funds have been funneled to various community-level intervention programs. This dissertation reports the results of a study that examined the effects of one such program, the Juvenile Intervention Facility (JIF) in Broward County, Florida, on reducing the number of cases handled judicially by the Juvenile Court in that county. ^ Juvenile justice policy, which precipitated the creation of the JIF program, assumed that more structured and integrative efforts at the point of entry into the juvenile justice system would lead to greater diversion from the courts to much needed intervention services. By virtue of this process, the number of juveniles handled judicially by the courts was expected to decrease and future delinquent behavior would be prevented. Archival data from four fiscal years were examined, two years pre-JIF, two years post-JIF, a third-year follow-up, and a concurrent outcome measure corresponding to the first year of JIF operations. Data included all juvenile cases referred during the fiscal years defined for Broward and St. Lucie Counties, the state of Florida, and the United States. The study tested four hypotheses: (a) the JIF would reduce the number of cases handled judicially in Broward County Juvenile Court, (b) the decrease in judicially handled cases would be greater for females than for males, (c) there would be greater decreases in judicially handled cases for whites than non-whites, (d) there would be greater decreases in judicial handling for younger than older offenders. Bivariate analyses were conducted, consisting of chi square tests, to test the hypotheses. ^ Results indicate that the impact of the JIF was in the opposite direction of what was expected in that more juvenile offenders were handled judicially through juvenile court. This fact points to the possibility that the JIF has failed to provide the intended consequences of the policy. In the discussion, these “unintended” consequences are addressed in the context of juvenile justice policy creation and the competing constituencies involved in such policy development. ^

Differences in treatment and intervention needs of girls arrested for status versus criminal offenses

The purpose of this research was to explore the differences in factors associated with girls' status and criminal arrests. This study used data from six juvenile justice programs in multiple states, which was derived from the Juvenile Assessment and Intervention System (JAIS). The sample of 908 adolescent girls (ages 13-19) was ethnically and racially diverse (41% African American, 32% white, 12% Hispanic, 11% Native American and 4% Other). A structural equation model (SEM) was analyzed which tested the potential effects of adolescent substance use, truancy, suicidal ideation/attempt, self-harm, peer legal trouble, parental criminal history and parental and non-parental abuse on type of offense (status and criminal) and whether any of these relationships varied as a function of race/ethnicity. ^ Complex relationships emerged regarding both status and more serious criminal arrests. One of the most important findings was that distinct and different patterns of factors were associated with status arrests compared to criminal arrests. For example, truancy and parental abuse were directly associated with status offenses, whereas parental criminal history was directly related to criminal arrests. However, both status and criminal arrests shared common associations, including substance use, which signifies that certain variables are influential regarding both non-criminal and more serious crimes. In addition, significant meditating influences were observed which help to explain some underlying mechanisms involved in girls' arrest patterns. Finally, race/ethnicity moderated a key relationship, which has serious implications for treatment. ^ In conclusion, the present study is an important contribution to research regarding girls' delinquency in that it overcomes limitations in the existing literature in four primary areas: (1) it utilizes a large, multi-state, ethnically and racially diverse sample of justice system-involved girls, (2) it examines numerous co-occurring factors influencing delinquency from multiple domains (family, school, peers, etc.) simultaneously, (3) it formally examines race/ethnicity as a moderator of these multivariate relationships, and (4) it looks at status and criminal arrests independently in order to highlight possible differences in the patterning of risk factors associated with each. These findings have important implications for prevention, treatment and interventions with girls involved in the juvenile justice system.^

The Use of the Military for Law Enforcement Activities in Central America

Faced with the violence, criminality and insecurity now threatening peace and democratic governance in Central America, the region’s governments have decided to use the Armed Forces to carry out actions in response to criminal actions, looking to improve their performance. Although public demand for including the Armed Forces in these functions takes place within a legally legitimate framework, it is motivated by tangible circumstances such as increased levels of violence, delinquency and crime. Despite being coupled with the perception of institutional weakness within the security and judicial system (particularly police) and the recognition of prestige, efficiency, discipline and severity in fulfilling the Armed Forces’ missions, these arguments are insufficient to legitimize the use of the military as a police force. Within this context, this paper reflects on the implications or consequences of the use of the Armed Forces in duties traditionally assigned to the police in the Central American region with the goal of contributing to the debate on this topic taking place in the Americas. To achieve this end, first we will focus on understanding the actual context in which a decision is made to involve the Armed Forces in security duties in the region. Second, we will examine the effects and implications of this decision on the Armed Forces’ relations within their respective societies. Third and finally, considering this is already a reality in the region, this paper will provide recommendations. The main findings of this research, resulting from the application of an analyticaldescriptive and historically based study, are organized in three dimensions: the political dimension, by implication referring to the relationship between the ultimate political authority and the Armed Forces; the social dimension, by implication the opinion of citizens; and other implications not only affecting the structural and cultural organization of armies and police but also the complementary operational framework within a context of comprehensive response by the State. As a main conclusion, it poses there is an environment conducive to the use of the Armed Forces in citizen’s security, in view of the impact of threats provoked by criminal structures of a military nature currently operating in Central America. However, this participation creates an inevitable social and political impact if implemented in isolation or given a political leading role and/or operational autonomy. This participation poses risks to the institutions of the Armed Forces and the police as well. Finally, this paper identifies an urgent need for the Armed Forces’ role to be more clearly defined with regard to security matters, limiting it to threats that impact States’ governability and existence. Nonetheless, Central American States should seek a COMPREHENSIVE response to current crime and violence, using all necessary institutions to confront these challenges, but with defined roles and responsibilities for each and dynamic coordination to complement their actions.