6 resultados para De-repression

em Digital Commons at Florida International University


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Women writers in the nineteenth century were often underestimated and in some cases completely ignored. At the end of that century, a considerable group of Peruvian women writers had a significant influence in the development of Lima's cultural life. Either together in the “veladas literarias” or individually in their own work, they showed a common interest in women's concerns and especially in the problems regarding women education or, better to say, the lack of it. Although frequently these writers just followed the paths men have marked for them, they often tried to find their own ways of expression in their works. ^ This dissertation examined the cultural life in Lima at the end of the century and concentrated in one of these writers, Mercedes Cabello de Carbonera (1845–1909), whose work was analyzed from a feminist point of view. American critics had been chosen for the analysis and especially the feminist theories of Sandra Gilbert, Susan Gubar and Elaine Showalter. They were applied to three of Cabello de Carbonera's novels: Sacrificio y recompensa, Las consecuencias and Blanca Sol. ^ The study attempted to prove how often women opinions were distorted by the male tradition and how they tried a different way of expression through the metaphors and symbols referring to the state of repression women were in. Beneath the surface of their work lies a determined feminine consciousness. ^

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The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate that sexual repression is a recurring theme throughout a selection of works by Federico García Lorca. The introductory chapter focuses on the sexual theories of Sigmund Freud and Michel Foucault in setting the foundation for an analysis of sexually frustrated characters. In chapter two, an analysis of Lorca's rural trilogy reveals how marginalized female characters struggle to preserve societal customs that subjugate them to the patriarchal hegemony by limiting their free will and their sexual freedom. The subsequent chapter elaborates on the theme of repression in poems where the oppressed voice expresses and denounces the intolerance and persecution of those who condemn homosexuality through metaphors of darkness, impurity, and barren love. Chapter four analyzes two avant-garde plays where the underlying message is that of a society that hampers the expression of homosexual love by silencing desire and forcing individuals to mask their identities. The conclusion demonstrates once more the effects of society on sexual freedom, as well as explaining that the recurrence of repressed women is not a pretext in portraying the homosexual saga, but a pre-text in presenting them as an equally marginalized group.

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This dissertation explores the similarities and differences which characterize the depiction of people of color in certain representative nineteenth century Cuban and Brazilian slavery novels as a function of the authorial approach of each territory's literary tradition toward the issues of slavery, racial prejudice, and people of color. The selected texts, derived from the peak periods in slavery literature of each territory, include Francisco , by Anselmo Snárez y Romero; Sab, by Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda; Cecilia Valdés , by Cirilo Villaverde; A escrava Isaura, by Bernardo Guimarães; O mulato, by Aluísio Azevedo; and Bom-Crioulo, by Adolfo Caminha. While the present study explores the enslavement, abuse, and discrimination of people of color as a consequence of a deep-seated discourse of power, privilege and racial superiority, it focuses more extensively on the representation of people of color, particularly in their capacity to constructively appropriate the cultural values of the white dominant group and recognize their identity as ambiguous. ^ Said's theories of Orientalist discourse and geography and formation as well as Dube's perspective on subaltern-oriented studies provide a theoretical framework for exploring the response of slavery writers whose common exposure to slavery but dissimilar socio-political contexts generate some startling findings. Crafted within a period of political repression, fear of black revolt, factional in-fighting as well as strong socioeconomic ties to the slaveholding class, the Cuban texts generally fashioned an approach to slavery as one marked by moderation, reform, and cultural counter discourse and consequently depict people of color with a more passive but culturally authentic outlook. On the other hand, the Brazilian response to the issue of slavery, steeped in an ideological amalgam of liberalism, positivism, republicanism, and abolitionism, is characterized by overt opposition to slavery and a representation of people of color that is less concerned with cross-cultural input but reclaims their humanity as highly educable and socially mobile persons in search of greater freedoms. Ultimately, there is a shared message of higher significance couched in the worthwhile mission of raising slaves to the level of men. ^

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Edited by former LACC Director, Eduardo Gamarra, this issue asked prominent Bolivian journalists and social scientists to critically analyze the first year and a half of Evo Morales’ government. Popularly elected in December 2005, Morales promised to conduct a revolution in democracy. In this collection of essays, the objective is to show a different view than the image of Morales as the Bolivian Nelson Mandela who freed his indigenous brethren from repression. The essays gathered here tell the story about how Bolivia’s first indigenous president has attempted to change Bolivia. These essays show that Morales’ first 18 months in office have been filled with promise, controversy, and conflict.

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Around the world borders are militarized, states are stepping up repressive anti-immigrant controls, and native publics are turning immigrants into scapegoats for the spiraling crisis of global capitalism. The massive displacement and primitive accumulation unleashed by free trade agreements and neo-liberal policies, as well as state and “private” violence has resulted in a virtually inexhaustible immigrant labor reserve for the global economy. State controls over immigration and immigrant labor have several functions for the system: 1) state repression and criminalization of undocumented immigration make immigrants vulnerable and deportable and therefore subject to conditions of super-exploitation, super-control and hyper-surveillance; 2) anti-immigrant repressive apparatuses are themselves ever more important sources of accumulation, ranging from private for-profit immigrant detention centers, to the militarization of borders, and the purchase by states of military hardware and systems of surveillance. Immigrant labor is extremely profitable for the transnational corporate economy; 3) the anti-immigrant policies associated with repressive state apparatuses help turn attention away from the crisis of global capitalism among more privileged sectors of the working class and convert immigrant workers into scapegoats for the crisis, thus deflecting attention from the root causes of the crisis and undermining working class unity. This article focuses on structural and historical underpinnings of the phenomenon of immigrant labor in the new global capitalist system and on how the rise of a globally integrated production and financial system, a transnational capitalist class, and transnational state apparatuses, have led to a reorganization of the world market in labor, including deeper reliance on a rapidly expanding reserve army of immigrant labor and a vicious new anti-immigrant politics. It looks at the United States as an illustration of the larger worldwide situation with regard to immigration and immigrant justice. Finally, it explores the rise of an immigrant justice movement around the world, observes the leading role that immigrant workers often play in worker’s struggles and that a mass immigrant rights movement is at the cutting edge of the struggle against transnational corporate exploitation. We call for replacing the whole concept of national citizenship with that of global citizenship as the only rallying cry that can assure justice and equality for all.

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A BODY OUTSIDE THE KREMLIN is a historical mystery novel set in the Northern Camps of Special Significance, a Soviet Russian penal institution based in the Solovetsky Archipelago during the 1920s. The protagonist, working first with the camp authorities, then in spite of their disapproval, solves the murder of a fellow prisoner. In the process he improves his position within the camp, while also becoming hardened to the brutal necessities of camp life. Prior to the establishment of the penal camp, the Solovetsky Archipelago was the site of an important Russian Orthodox monastery, and the mystery proves to involve valuables, particularly icons, seized from the monks by the Soviet secret police. Thus the novel treats themes not only of statist repression, but also religious epiphany and the problems of true perception in a world of symbols.