11 resultados para Cushion andean

em Digital Commons at Florida International University


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In communities throughout the developing world, faith-based organizations (FBOs) focus on goals such as eradicating poverty, bolstering local economies, and fostering community development, while premising their activities and interaction with local communities on theological and religious understandings. Due to their pervasive interaction with participants, the religious ideologies of these FBOs impact the religious, economic, and social realities of communities. This study investigates the relationship between the international FBO, World Vision International (WVI), and changes to religious, economic, and social ideologies and practices in Andean indigenous communities in southern Peruvian. This study aims to contribute to the greater knowledge and understanding of (1) institutionalized development strategies, (2) faith-based development, and (3) how institutionalized development interacts with processes of socio-cultural change. Based on fifteen months of field research, this study involved qualitative and quantitative methods of participant-observation, interviews, surveys, and document analysis. Data were primarily collected from households from a sample of eight communities in the Pitumarca and Combapata districts, department of Canchis, province of Cusco, Peru where two WVI Area Development Programs were operating. Research findings reveal that there is a relationship between WVI’s intervention and some changes to religious, economic, and social structure (values, ideologies, and norms) and practices, demonstrating that structure and practices change when social systems are altered by new social actors. Findings also revealed that the impacts of WVI’s intervention greatly increased over the course of several years, demonstrating that changes in structure and practice occur gradually and need a period of time to take root. Finally, results showed that the impacts of WVI’s intervention were primarily limited to those most closely involved with the organization, revealing that the ability of one social actor to incite changes in the structure and practice of another actor is associated with the intensity of the relationship between the social actors. The findings of this study should be useful in ascertaining deductions and strengthening understandings of how faith-based development organizations impact aspects of religious, economic, and social life in the areas where they work.

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The Andean and the amazon, comprised of Venezuela, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador, have recently undertaken significant modernization efforts ranging from equipment, logistics, doctrine, training, deployment and the re-definition of the roles and missions of their forces. In most cases, motivations to modernize have been internal, such as continuing operations against armed groups as in the case of Colombia and Peru, enhance border control and sovereignty enforcement, as in the case of Ecuador and Brazil or regime control in Venezuela. However, they are complemented by perceptions of external threats, including traditional intra-state conventional wars. The increased tensions between Colombia and Venezuela and Ecuador as well as the historic Peru-Chile tensions are the most salient examples. Although diplomacy –especially defence diplomacy- has worked to a good degree in creating and strengthening confidence building measures, the potential for inter-state conflict is higher in this region of the Americas. This region has seen the recent emergence of long-term modernization plans, initially in Colombia followed by Venezuela and Ecuador and probably best embodied in scope and scale by the Brazilian National Defence Plan (for its long term vision). Although it has been speculated that high allocation of funds to retirement pension systems has had an impact on delaying modernization plans, this comparative study on the allocation of pension and social funds in these particular countries concludes that there is no direct linkage between the poor funding of military modernization plans and the diversion of funds to military pension systems.

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The Andean Southern Volcanic Zone (SVZ) is a vast and complex continental arc that has been studied extensively to provide an understanding of arc-magma genesis, the origin and chemical evolution of the continental crust, and geochemical compositions of volcanic products. The present study focuses on distinguishing the magma/sub-arc crustal interaction of eruptive products from the Azufre-Planchon-Peteroa (APP 35°15'S) volcanic center and other major centers in the Central SVZ (CSVZ 37°S–42°S), Transitional SVZ (TSVZ 34.3–37.0°S), and Northern SVZ (NSVZ 33°S–34°30'S). New Hf and Nd isotopic and trace element data for SVZ centers are consistent with former studies that these magmas experienced variable depths of crystal fractionation, and that crustal assimilation is restricted to the lower crustal depths with an apparent role of garnet. Thermobarometric calculations applied to magma compositions constrain the depth of magma separation from mantle sources in all segments of the SVZ to(70-90 km). Magmatic separation at the APP complex occurs at an average depth of ~50 km which is confined to the mantle lithosphere and the base of the crust suggesting localized thermal abrasion both reservoirs. Thermobarometric calculations indicate that CSVZ primary magmas arise from a similar average depth of (~54 km) which confines magma separation to the asthenospheric mantle. The northwards along-arc Sr-Nd-Hf isotopic data and LREE enrichment accompanied with HREE depletion of SVZ mafic magmas correlates well with northward increasing crustal thickness and decreasing primary melt separation from mantle source regions indicating an increased involvement of lower crustal components in SVZ magma petrogenesis. ^ The study concludes that the development of mature subduction zones over millions of years of continuous magmatism requires that mafic arc derived melts stagnate at lower crustal levels due to density similarities and emplace at lower crustal depths. Basaltic underplating creates localized hot zone environments below major magmatic centers. These regions of high temperature/partial melting, and equilibration with underplated mafic rocks provides the mechanism that controls trace element and isotopic variability of primary magmas of the TSVZ and NSVZ from their baseline CSVZ-like precursors.^

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The mode in which a lithosphere plate supports overlying topography is greatly driven by the strength of the plate. By analyzing the geophysical signature of lithosphere flexure, in the space and spectral domains, the strength of the plates that support the north Andean mountains and adjacent basins, and the topography of Kenya was investigated. In addition, the effect of windowing on elastic thickness estimates obtained via the coherence method was evaluated. ^ The coherence between the topography and Bouguer gravity spectra of northern South America suggests that the average elastic thickness of the lithosphere is 30 km. Although lateral variations were not resolved by the coherence implementation, these became apparent by modeling the foreland stratigraphy of the Llanos, Barinas and Maracaibo sub-Andean basins. Flexural models reveal a zone of lithosphere weakness beneath the eastern flank of the Eastern Cordillera and western flank of the Venezuelan Andes. The gravity anomaly calculated from these models is consistent with the observed Bouguer gravity anomaly. This zone of weakness appears to separate the strong, old Guyana shield lithosphere from the weaker and probably younger Andean lithosphere. The zone of weakness may correspond to a Paleozoic feature at the western margin of cratonic South America, or a Mesozoic rift arm that weakened the proto-Andean lithosphere. ^ Using synthetic data as well as the northern South America topography and gravity, this study demonstrates that lithosphere strength calculated from the coherence of mirrored data may overestimate the true lithosphere strength. As a result, many lithosphere plates may be weaker than currently thought. In light of this observation, gravity and topography data from Kenya were reevaluated using multitaper spectral techniques. The elastic thickness of this plate, currently undergoing rifting, was estimated at 7 to 8 km, a factor of 2 less than previously estimated. These estimates suggest that despite intense fracturing and sustained tensile stresses, continental lithosphere plates undergoing rifting are able to retain some strength. ^

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Twelve plants used medicinally in Callejon de Huaylas, Department of Ancash, northeastern Peru were selected and screened in vitro for cytotoxic and cytostatic activities. Traditional preparations, aqueous extracts and organic extracts (methanol:dimethyl chloride) were tested against murine leukemia P388 cells using flow cytometry. Seventy-five percent or more of the traditional and aqueous extracts were cytostatic at concentrations of 1mg/ml. For organic extracts, cytostatic activity ranged from 8.3% (at 6.25 μg/ml) to 58.3% (at 100 μg/ml). Quinchamalium procumbens, Ophryosporus chilca and Baccharis genistelloides showed strong activity. Extracts of Brachyotum rostratum, Monnina salicifolia, and Orthrosanthus chimboracensis were particularly interesting, since they were cytostatic but not cytotoxic at concentrations of 0.5 mg/ml. These Andean plants merit further analysis. The high percentage of activity found among the traditional preparations suggests that the traditional medical knowledge of Callejon de Huaylas healers deserves respect and merits further research. ^

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The subject of this dissertation is the nature of the environmental transformations, both symbolic and physical, that took place in Colombia between 1850 and 1930. This period begins with the attempt by the Colombian elite to leave behind colonial ties, overcome economic disorganization, and link Colombia to the international market. These efforts were part of a general project to “civilize” this tropical country. The period closes with the transition toward an industrialization and urbanization process led by the Colombian state during the 1930s. ^ Frequently, environmental studies as an academic field are dominated by biological concerns. However, most environmental thinking accepts their interdisciplinary nature. Under this framework not only spatial but also symbolic concerns are key elements in understanding environmental transformations. ^ This study finds that despite several attempts to transform the Colombian landscape physically, most of the substantive changes were localized and circumscribed to the Andean region. Other changes were mainly symbolic. This dissertation thus uses the Amazon as one of several regions that did not experience significant changes in the forest canopy. While highlanders originally dreamed of the Amazon as an untapped El Dorado, their failed attempts to exploit the region caused them to imagine it as a nightmarish “green hell”. ^ This dissertation concentrates on three pairs of concepts: tropicality/civilization, landscape/territory, and symbolic/material changes. It presents both a general vision of Colombia and case studies of three regions: Cundinamarca, and Cauca Valley are used to compare with the Amazon region that is developed at length. Whereas mainstream Colombian histories have either fixated on the Andean highlands or, in a relegated second place, on the Caribbean region, this dissertation attempts to significantly contribute to the historiography of Colombia by focusing on the largely neglected Amazonian region. ^ To understand imageries about Colombia's landscape, the dissertation relies on travel writings, chorographic descriptions and maps. It also makes uses legal documents and other published primary sources, including literary pieces and memoirs. ^

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The Neural Crest (NC) is a multipotential group of cells that arises from the dorsal aspect of the neural tube early in development. It is well established that a group of NC cells named Cardiac Neural Crest (CNC) migrates to the heart and plays a critical role in the remodeling of the aortic arch arteries and septation of the outflow tract. In this study, using the mouse mutant Pax3sp/sp that has CNC deficits I have identified a putative novel role for the CNC in regulating apoptosis in the atrioventricular (AV) endocardial cushion. The AV endocardial cushion undergoes remodeling to give rise to the cardiac AV valves. Using a transgenic mouse that carries the LacZ reporter gene under the control of the Dopachrome tautomerase promoter (Dct-LacZ), I found that another NC derived population, melanocyte precursors, also contribute to the AV endocardial cushion and developing AV valves. The analysis of Dct-LacZ embryos at different stages showed that NC cells already committed to the melanocytic fate migrate to the heart along the same initial pathway taken by those that will populate the skin. Hypopigmented mice carrying mutations in the Kit and Endothelin receptor b genes, that are critical for the proper development of skin melanocytes, do not have cardiac melanocytes indicating that cardiac and skin melanocyte precursors share the same initial signaling requirements. The analysis of murine adult hearts showed that melanocytes are mostly found in the atrial sides of the tricuspid and mitral valve leaflets. The distribution of melanocytes in the AV valves corresponds exactly to areas of high Versican B expression, a proteoglycan essential for the process of AV valve remodeling. To evaluate a potential role for melanocytes in the AV valves, a nanoindentation analysis of the tricuspid valves of wild type, hypopigmented and hyperpigmented mice was performed. The storage modulus, a measure of stiffness, for the leaflets obtained from hyperpigmented mice was considerably higher (10.5GPa) than that for the leaflets from wild type (7.5GPa) and hypopigmented animals (between 3.5 and 5.5 GPa) suggesting that melanocytes may contribute to the mechanical properties of the AV valves.

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For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

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Indigenous movements have become increasingly powerful in the last couple of decades and they are now important political actors in some South American countries, such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and, to a lesser extent, Peru and Chile. The rise of indigenous movements has provoked concern among U.S. policymakers and other observers who have feared that these movements will exacerbate ethnic polarization, undermine democracy, and jeopardize U.S. interests in the region. This paper argues that concern over the rise of indigenous movements is greatly exaggerated. It maintains that the rise of indigenous movements has not brought about a market increase in ethnic polarization in the region because most indigenous organizations have been ethnically inclusive and have eschewed violence. Although the indigenous movements have at times demonstrated a lack of regard for democratic institutions and procedures, they have also helped deepen democracy in the Andean region by promoting greater political inclusion and participation and by aggressively combating ethnic discrimination and inequality. Finally, this study suggests that the indigenous population has opposed some U.S. –sponsored initiatives, such as coca eradication and market reform, for legitimate reasons. Such policies have had some negative environmental, cultural, and economic consequences for indigenous people, which U.S. policymakers should try to address. The conclusion provides some specific policy recommendations on how to go about this.

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Andean montane forests are one of the most diverse ecosystems on Earth, but are also highly vulnerable to climate change. Therefore, the link between plant distribution and ecosystem productivity is a critical point to investigate in these ecosystems. Are the patterns in productivity observed in montane forest due to species turnover along the elevational gradients? Methodological constraints keep this question unanswered. Also, despite their importance, belowground biomass remains poorly quantified and understood. I measured two plant functional traits in seedlings, root:shoot ratio and specific leaf area, to identify different strategies in growth and biomass allocation across elevations. A tradeoff in specific leaf area with elevation was found in only one species, and no generalized directional change was detected with elevations for root:shoot ratio. Lack of information for the ontogeny of the measured plant traits could confounding the analysis.