A comparative study of perceptions about social relations between black Caribbean nationals and African Americans in a black institution

The present study researched how first-generation black national Caribbean groups and native born black Americans perceived each other socially within an African American institution. Each group rated the other group on items dealing with perceived social relations. Two black ethnically-distinct communities totaling 151 participants were studied. Chi-square ($\chi\sp2$) and one-way analyses of variances (ANOVAs) were employed to test the collected data. The study yielded results about the researched groups that supported both the major findings in the review literature and the thesis's hypothesis; namely, that black Caribbean nationals tend to perceive that they relate socially more with their own group than with African Americans even as mutual participants in a monoracial institution. The present study was unique, as it incorporated a multinational Caribbean group and an African American group that the literature has not previously researched together, and especially as it surveyed these two groups in the context of a black-owned institution. ^

Comparison of coronary heart disease risk factors in foreign -born and United States-born Afro Caribbean Americans and African Americans in south Florida

In a cross-sectional study design, risk factors for coronary heart disease (CHD) were evaluated in three groups: 66 Afro Caribbeans (FBCA) living in the US for less than 10 years, 62 US-born Afro Caribbean (USBCA) and 61 African American (AA) adults (18–40 years), with equal numbers of males and females in each group. Socio-demographic, dietary, anthropometric and blood pressure data were collected. Fasting blood glucose, blood lipids and high-sensitivity C-reactive protein (hs-CRP) were determined. ^ The USBCA and AA participants compared to the FBCA participants consumed significantly (p < 0.05) more mean total fat (g) (66.3 ± 41.7 and 73.0 ± 47.8 vs. 52.8 ± 32.3), saturated fat (g) (23.1 ± 14.9 and 24.9 ± 15.8 vs. 18.6 ± 11.5), percent energy from fat (%) (33.1 ± 6.5 and 31.4 ± 6.4 vs. 29.3 ± 6.8), fat servings (1.8 ± 1.2 and 1.5 ± 1.0 vs. 1.2 ± 0.9), dietary cholesterol (mg) (220.4 ± 161.9 and 244.1 ± 155.0 vs. 168.8 ± 114.0) and sodium (mg) (2245.2 ± 1238.3 and 2402.6 ± 1359.3 vs. 1838.0 ± 983.4) and less than 2 servings of fruits per day (%) (86.9 and 94.9 vs. 78.5). These differences were more pronounced in males compared to females and remained after correcting for age. Also, the percentages of USBCA and AA participants who were obese (17.1% and 23.0%, respectively) were significantly (p < 0.05) higher compared to FBCA (7.6%) participants. More USBCA and AA than FBCA individuals smoked cigarettes (4.8% and 6.6% vs. 0.0%) and consumed alcoholic beverages (29.0% and 50.8% vs. 24.2%). The mean hs-CRP level of the AA participants (2.2 ± 2.7 mg/L) was significantly (p < 0.01) higher compared to the FBCA (1.1 ± 1.3 mg/L) and USBCA (1.3 ± 1.6 mg/L) participants. ^ The FBCA participants had a better CHD risk profile than the USBCA and AA participants. Focus should be placed on the ethnic and cultural differences in a population to better understand the variations in health indicators among different ethnic groups of the same race. This focus can provide healthcare professionals and policy planners with the opportunity to develop culturally sensitive programs and strategies for the improvement of health outcomes. ^

The Euro-African Influence in Hispanic Culture and Cuban Music Illustrated, Lecture by Cecilio E. Tieles Ferrer

This flyer promotes the event "The Euro-African Influence in Hispanic Culture and Cuban Music Illustrated, Lecture by Cecilio E. Tieles Ferrer", cosponsored by the FIU Libraries as part of the Viernes de Musicalia series of the Díaz-Ayala Cuban and Latin American Popular Music Collection.

Culturally Appropriate Authentic Assessments: Exploring the Use of Authentic Assessments for African American Children at Risk for Special Education in Urban Settings

Authentic assessments provide an alternative to informal and formal assessments which may reduce the number of African Americans in special education programs. This literature review will explore the use of authentic assessment for at risk students in special education programs in urban settings.

Academic orientations of African -American adolescents in Miami-Dade County

The purpose of this research was to answer the following research questions: (a) how high-achieving African-Americans maintain a “racefull” Black identity; (b) how African-American identity affects academic orientation and achievement; (c) how the school's ethnic composition affects African-American students' identity; and (d) how family structure, specifically living in female single-parent households, affects academic orientation and achievement. ^ The data were gathered in an inner-city high school in Miami, Florida. Participants were African-American adolescents, males and females, who started their first-year of high school in the fall of 1995 until their graduation in June 1999. The number of students in the sample varied from 27 students at the beginning of the project to 24 students at the time of graduation. ^ Data were gathered through intensive ethnographic field work, which involved direct participant observation of students in natural contexts; in-depth interviewing of students, peers, teachers, and families; open-ended classroom discussions on matters about the research; and focus groups. Data on demographics, levels of self-esteem and depression, hours spent doing homework, family help with school work, aspirations, and other factors were gained through a survey. ^ African-Americans in this high school developed a racefull persona and still embraced education. They did not need to be raceless to succeed. The ethnic composition of the school where these students were a minority within a minority school resulted in their developing reactive ethnicity formation. Family structure did not affect academic orientation. What made a difference in these students lives were parental support and family ties, which affected their academic orientation. ^

Negotiating identities, striving for state recognition: Blacks in Córdoba, Argentina 1776–1853

Race in Argentina played a significant role as a highly durable construct by identifying and advancing subjects (1776–1810) and citizens (1811–1853). My dissertation explores the intricacies of power relations by focusing on the ways in which race informed the legal process during the transition from a colonial to national State. It argues that the State’s development in both the colonial and national periods depended upon defining and classifying African descendants. In response, people of African descendent used the State’s assigned definitions and classifications to advance their legal identities. It employs race and culture as operative concepts, and law as a representation of the sometimes, tense relationship between social practices and the State’s concern for social peace. This dissertation examines the dynamic nature of the court. It utilizes the theoretical concepts multicentric legal orders that are analyzed through weak and strong legal pluralisms, and jurisdictional politics, from the late eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries. This dissertation juxtaposes various levels of jurisdiction (canon/state law and colonial/national law) to illuminate how people of color used the legal system to ameliorate their social condition. In each chapter the primary source materials are state generated documents which include criminal, ecclesiastical, civil, and marriage dissent court cases along with notarial and census records. Though it would appear that these documents would provide a superficial understanding of people of color, my analysis provides both a top-down and bottom-up approach that reflects a continuous negotiation for African descendants’ goal for State recognition. These approaches allow for implicit or explicit negotiation of a legal identity that transformed slaves and free African descendants into active agents of their own destinies.

Latin America and the Caribbean in 2011 and Beyond: A conversation among Latin America and Caribbean Specialists.

For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

The McSweeney's Group: Modernist Roots and Contemporary Permutations in Little Magazines

The purpose of this project centered on the influential literary magazine Timothy McSweeney’s Quarterly Concern. Using Bruno Latour’s network theory as well as the methods put forth by Robert Scholes and Clifford Wulfman to study modernist little magazines, I analyzed the influence McSweeney’s has on contemporary little magazines. I traced the connections between McSweeney’s and other paradigmatic examples of little magazines—The Believer and n+1—to show how the McSweeney’s aesthetic and business practice creates a model for more recent publications. My thesis argued that The Believer continues McSweeney’s aesthetic mission. In contrast, n+1 positioned itself against the McSweeney’s aesthetic, which indirectly created a space within the little magazines for writers, philosophers, and artists to debate the prevailing aesthetic theories of the contemporary period. The creation of this space connects these contemporary magazines back to modernist little magazines, thereby validating my decision to use the methods of Scholes and Wulfman.

The maintenance of tracking: The role of organizational culture

Modern comprehensive high schools do not formally track students into different programs, but schools offer different curricular sequences with important and stratified consequences for students' post-secondary education. This study used qualitative methodology to examine how schools' organizational cultures influence the maintenance of tracking practices in four comprehensive high schools in Miami. The methodology included long-term participant observation in each of the four schools, unstructured and semi-structured interviews and the collection of written documents produced by the district. A framework based on the concepts of environment, mission, information, strategy, and leadership was used to analyze the data. ^ It was found that school cultures shared deeply held beliefs that regard ability as a fixed trait. This prevented schools from providing access to information about the consequences of course selection to the majority of the student body, with the exception of those students defined as “college bound.” State and County level policies that reward achievement in standardized tests combined with school overcrowding, resulted in organizational cultures that favored the adoption of strategies stressing efficiency, as opposed to a challenging education for all students. Only one of the four schools in the study had a policy requiring students to attempt courses that were more challenging. The practice was resented by both teachers and counselors, since it was perceived as interfering with other goals of the institution, i.e.: graduating students in four years. ^ The culture of the schools stressed college as the only legitimate post-secondary option; consequently, the majority of counselors did not encourage students—even those already defined as “not college material”—to consider other alternatives, such as vocational education. The elimination of formal tracks in these comprehensive high schools resulted in the school culture lacking a clear mission in regards to non-college bound students. Findings are discussed in relation to current theoretical explanations for educational policy and equality of opportunity. ^

The maintenance of tracking : the role of organizational culture

Modern comprehensive high schools do not formally track students into different programs, but schools offer different curricular sequences with important and stratified consequences for students' post-secondary education. This study used qualitative methodology to examine how schools' organizational cultures influence the maintenance of tracking practices in four comprehensive high schools in Miami. The methodology included long-term participant observation in each of the four schools, unstructured and semi-structured interviews and the collection of written documents produced by the district. A framework based on the concepts of environment, mission,, information, strategy, and leadership was used to analyze the data. It was found that school cultures shared deeply held beliefs that regard ability as a fixed trait. This prevented schools from providing access to information about the consequences of course selection to the majority of the student body, with the exception of those students defined as "college bound." State and County level policies that reward achievement in standardized tests combined with school overcrowding, resulted in organizational cultures that favored the adoption of strategies stressing efficiency, as opposed to a challenging education for all students. Only one of the four schools in the study had a policy requiring students to attempt courses that were more challenging. The practice was resented by both teachers and counselors, since it was perceived as interfering with other goals of the institution, i.e.: graduating students in four years. The culture of the schools stressed college as the only legitimate post-secondary option; consequently, the majority of counselors did not encourage students-even those already defined as "not college material"-to consider other alternatives, such as vocational education. The elimination of formal tracks in these comprehensive high schools resulted in the school culture lacking a clear mission in regards to non-college bound students. Findings are discussed in relation to current theoretical explanations for educational policy and equality of opportunity.