3 resultados para neo-liberal economic
em Corvinus Research Archive - The institutional repository for the Corvinus University of Budapest
Resumo:
A centrum-perifria kapcsolatok elemzse az Eurpai Unira is kiterjeszthet. Az integrcis folyamatban jl elemezhetek a bourdeiu-i tkeformk, ezek egymsra trtn tvltsa, a gazdasgi s politikai aszimmetrik klcsnhatsa. E klcsns kapcsolatokban tovbbra is a gazdasgi viszonyok meghatrozottsga rvnyesl. A vilggazdasgi vlsg felsznre hozta a trtnelmi aszimmetrikat, amelyeket a korbbi neoliberlis politikk tovbb mlytettek. Az Unin belli periferlis trsgekre a vlsg klnbzkppen hatott. E hatsok semlegestsre tbbnyire a megszort gazdasgpolitikkat alkalmazzk. Tovbbra is hinyzik azonban egy, a minsgi s nem mennyisgi szempontokat hangslyoz fejlesztsi politika. Egy ilyen megkzelts a strukturlis, intzmnyi vonatkozsokat ersten, s ezzel jrulna hozz a perifria termelsi, forgalmi, elosztsi kpessgeinek fokozshoz. _____ Analysis of centre-periphery relations can be extended to the European Union as well. The capital forms by Bourdieu, their inter-changeability, mutual effects of economic and political asymmetries could be analysed well in the integration process. In these mutual relations economic relations still play the dominant role. The global economic crisis has brought to the surface historical asymmetries, further aggravated by earlier neo-liberal economic policies. Peripheral regions within the Union have been affected in different ways. In order to neutralise these effects austerity measure have been implemented. However, a development policy, emphasising quality and not only quantitative aspects, is still missing. Such an approach would strengthen structural and institutional elements, further enhancing production, trade, and distribution capabilities of the periphery.
Resumo:
Keynesian policy was quite successful in the post-war decades in Western Europe, but by the late 1960s lost its efficiency due to changes in conditions rather than its mistaken logic. The lesson from the first global crisis erupting in early 1970s and also from the subsequent several crises since then is that the increasing crisis propensity of the world economy is rooted in its inherent disequilibria stemming from deep inequalities, asymmetrical interdependencies and disintegrated socio-economic structures. In view of the failure of the prevailing methods of crisis management, particularly those undifferentiated, antisocial austerity measures corresponding to a neo-liberal monetarist concept which neglects this lesson, many economists prefer the Keynesian recipe. However, since global crises need global solution, and the spread of conspicuous consumption modify the demand constraint, its application must be adjusted to reality, and requires some global governance which may pave the way for a global oeco-social market economy.
Resumo:
A kommunizmusnak vagy amit a XX. szzadban annak neveztek a fasizmus nem elfogadhat alternatvja. Az elmlt hsz v meghatroz ideolgiai ramlata, a neoliberalizmus ezt nem rtette meg. A baloldallal szemben tlzott mrtkben lpett fel, mg ezzel szemben a jobboldali szlssgnek jelents teret engedett. A szlsjobboldali szemllet, az anakronisztikus, barbr provincializmus felszmolshoz szksg van a nyugati tpus konzervativizmus s a szocildemokrcia egyttmkdsre, a kt elmleti irnyzat partneri viszonyra. Ehhez mindenekeltt a neoliberalizmus elmleti meghaladsra van szksg. A tanulmnyban ezrt a neoliberalizmus meghatroz tteleinek kritikjt vgezzk el annak rdekben, hogy az j vilgrendhez igazod elmleti keret kialakulshoz hozzjruljunk. _____ The acceptable alternative of communism, or what it had been called in the 20th century, is not fascism. The mainstream in the ideology of the last couple of decades, neo-liberalism, has not understood this statement. It allows too wide range for the extremists in the far right; however, in the other side it was too rigid with the left. To terminate the barbarian, anachronistic provincialism in the far right, cooperation between the neo-conservativism prevailing in the West and the social democrat movement is needed. The partnership between the two streams is inevitable. In order to achieve this goal the first step is the debate with the theoretical background of the neo-liberal way of thinking. The main purpose of this paper is to start this discussion hoping that we can contribute to the new theoretical framework in the social sciences.
