A magyar öngondoskodás sajátosságai

A magyar nyugdíjrendszerben 1998 óta egymás mellett működik a felosztó-kirovó és a kötelező tőkefedezeti pillér. Ezt a paradigmatikusnak tekintett reformot követően is több változtatás zajlott az elmúlt években, amelyek lényegében a nyugdíjparaméterek módosítására irányultak. Mára a nyugdíjreformról szóló diskurzus világszerte újra általánossá vált. A magyar nyugdíjviták középpontjában nem elsősorban az idősödő népesség növekvő aránya, hanem az alacsony foglalkoztatás és a csekély jogosultságszerzés áll. A hozzászólások ma már nem a felosztó-kirovó versus tőkefedezeti rendszer kérdéskörét érintik. A vitában újra és újra előkerül az öngondoskodás hangsúlyozása. A tanulmány egy felmérés adatain keresztül elemzi az öngondoskodás különböző formáinak elterjedtségét. A kérdőív tanulsága szerint a megkérdezettek jellemzően nem saját maguk hozták meg döntéseiket a vizsgált kérdésekben - a nyugdíjrendszerről és saját várható nyugdíjas élettartamukról korlátozott (és néha téves) ismeretekkel rendelkeznek. Az emberek öngondoskodásának túlhangsúlyozása a szerzők szerint meg nem engedhető optimizmus. /===/ Unfunded and mandatory funded pillars of the Hungarian pension system have been operating simultaneously since 1998. This reform, seen as paradigmatic, has undergone several changes in recent years, designed essentially to alter the pension parameters. Discourse on pension reform has become general again throughout the world. The pension debates in Hungary have focused less on the rising proportion of the elderly than on low employment and eligibility. Contributions to the debate these days are not about the question of an unfunded versus a funded system. The emphasis has repeatedly been on self-provision. The study analyses by means of survey data the extent of the various forms of self-provision. The survey shows that respondents have not typically made decisions of their own on the matter, for which they have limited (and sometimes false) information about the pension system and their life expectancy as pensioners. According to the authors, it is impermissibly optimistic to place excessive emphasis on people’s ability to provide for themselves.

A mérsékelt iszlamista mozgalmak szerepe az "arab tavaszt" követő politikai átmenetben (The Role of Moderate Islamist Movements in the Political Transition Following the Arab Spring)

Up to January 2011 authoritarian political regimes in the Middle East had widely been considered stable due to the armed forces, the underdeveloped political institutions, the economic embeddedness of the regimes, the neo-patrimonial structure of the Arab societies and, eventually the characteristics of Islam. Middle Eastern political systems are often considered to belong to a special sub-group of non-democratic regimes called “liberalized autocracies”. The 2011 events show that there is a new, as yet non-defined political structure emerging. Although there are different interpretations of the developments, there is a consensus on the determinant role of the Islamist organizations in the development of the new political structure. The results of the Egyptian and Tunisian parliamentary elections show that the secular political parties could not attract the public, while in Tunisia the long forbidden Hizb an-Nahda could form a government. In Egypt Hizb al-Hurriya established by the Muslim Brotherhood in 2011 won almost half of the parliamentary mandates, and to a great surprise, the Salafi Hizb an-Nour also received 24.3% of the votes. On the basis of the above developments the thesis of the Islamist re-organization of the Middle East, i.e. of a new wave of Islamism was elaborated, according to which the main political winners of the revolts in the Arab countries are the Islamist organizations, which could step in and fill in the political vacuum. While some speak of an Islamist autumn or Islamist winter as the result of the Arab Spring, others prefer the term Islamic revolutions.