Az Európai Unió kibővítésének hatása a lisszaboni stratégia hatékonyságára. Tapasztalatok az Európa 2020 stratégia tervezéséhez (The effects of EU enlargement on the effectiveness of the Lisbon strategy - conclusion for the Europe 2020 strategy)

A tanulmány azt vizsgálja, hogy a lisszaboni stratégia utódja, az Európa 2020 stratégia esetén indokolt lehet-e a régi és az új tagállamok eltérő kezelése. Mindehhez elsősorban a lisszaboni stratégia tapasztalatait, illetve a tagállamok teljesítményét tekinti át. Arra következtetésre jutottunk, hogy a kutatás-fejlesztés valamint a környezeti fenntarthatósági szempontot tükröző energiaintenzitási mutató esetében kiemelten szükséges a stratégia finomhangolása. A K+F célkitűzés csak hosszú távon releváns a felzárkózó országok számára, rövid távon elsősorban a kohéziót hatékonyabban támogató beruházásélénkítésre kell helyezni a hangsúlyt. A differenciált megközelítés a foglalkoztatási területre is igaz. E terület sajátossága azonban, hogy a tagállamok közötti törésvonal itt nem az EU15-ök és az EU12-ek között húzódik, hanem megfigyelhető a jól ismert észak-dél törésvonal is. A foglalkoztatás terén tehát a déli tagállamok differenciált kezelése is indokolt lehet. / === / The paper asks whether the differential treatment of EU member states would be warranted in case the successor of the Lisbon Strategy, the Europe 2020 Strategy. It examines the performance of member states in the past decade, and arrives to the conclusion that some "fine-tuning" would be required in case of the new strategy, especially in the fields of R&D and energy intensity. R&D is only relevant for the new member states in the longer run, in the short run however policies promoting cohesion seem more important. Differential treatment would also be required in issues related to employment, but here the main divide is not between the old and new member states, but rather between the northern and southern ones.

Centre-periphery tensions regarding Central and Eastern Europe

Security issues have played an important role in widening the European Union with eight Central and Eastern European economies. The time since have proved these concerns to be correct. The present North-South tension within the Euro-zone highlights even more the West-East tensions inherent in the international relations since the Eastern enlargement. Various divisions – political and economic alike – have already been felt throughout the whole period of 2004-20122 (Balázs, J.1985, 1993, 1995, 1996). The worldwide economic crisis of 2008, however, has revealed even more the hidden tensions in these relations. The political events after the 2010 election in Hungary, those in Romania in 2012, the continuous anti-EU declarations of the Czech president present ample evidence to the fact: the enlargement has been based more on political wishes and will than on firm economic reasoning. The outcome is constant struggle between the parties to keep face and save the state of the European Union. Ongoing political and economic struggles around Greece, Portugal and Spain are other forms of fundamental problems within the European Union. It is worthwhile, hence to study the almost forgotten centre – periphery relations in this respect.

In Search of Sovereignty: Central and Eastern Europe, 1956-1989

International theory is replete with contested concepts, none more than state sovereignty. Although embodied in the UN Charter, it came under continuous strain during the early Cold War, culminating in the crucial year of 1956. Subsequent Soviet ideologists sought to justify the invasion of Czechoslovakia as „limited sovereignty”, dubbed by US analysts the "Brezhnev Doctrine". A few Western scholars thought this ended with the "non-invasion" of Poland in 1980-1981, but Russian archives reveal that it was not annulled until spring 1989.