8 resultados para Turkish Foreign Policy

em Corvinus Research Archive - The institutional repository for the Corvinus University of Budapest


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Az elmúlt évtizedben a nemzetközi kapcsolatok és a nemzetközi politikai gazdaságtan szakirodalmában is intenzív figyelem övezte az ún. feltörekvő gazdaságokat, közöttük Brazíliát. Luiz Inácio „Lula” da Silva két elnöki ciklusában (2003–2011) a feltörekvő piacok globális pozíciónyerése, a brazil külpolitika aktivizálódása és a brazil gazdaság kiemelkedő teljesítménye új koordinátarendszerbe helyezte a dél-amerikai óriást. A tanulmány a Lula-éra politikai és gazdasági teljesítményét foglalja össze: állami, regionális és globális szinten vizsgálja a dinamikus brazil fejlődés elmúlt évtizedét. / === / Since the millennium the literature on international relations and international political economy has been focusing on so-called emerging countries. This trend has brought unexpected and rarely experienced attention to the Latin American region, especially to Brazil. During Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva's presidencies (2003–2011) the global high position of emerging markets, the activity of Brazilian foreign policy and the outstanding achievements of the Brazilian economy placed the South American giant into a new frame of reference. The study sums up the political and economic performance of the Lula era: examines the past decade of dynamic Brazilian development at national, regional and global level.

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This paper explores the domestic and international context of Hungary's emerging international development policy. Specifically, it looks at three factors that may influence how this policy operates: membership in the European Union (EU) and potential ‘Europeanization’, Hungary's wider foreign policy strategy, and the influence of domestic stakeholders. In order to uncover how these factors affect the country's international development policy, semi-structured interviews were carried out with the main stakeholders. The main conclusions are: (1) While accession to the EU did play a crucial role in restarting Hungary's international development policy, the integration has had little effect since then; (2) international development policy seems to serve mainly Hungary's regional strategic foreign policy and economic interests, and not its global development goals; and (3) although all the domestic development stakeholders are rather weak, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) still seems to play a dominating role. Convergence with European requirements and best practices is, therefore, clearly hindered by foreign policy interests and also by the weakness of non- governmental stakeholders.

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In a recently published article in the prestigious journal Foreign Policy Analysis, Navin A. Bapat uses a rationalist approach to explain key bargaining processes related to the Afghanistan conflict, concluding that “the Afghan mission may continue for political reasons until it is impossible to sustain militarily.” The article captures the essence of the strategic situation in Afghanistan: the losing dynamic involved. This brief commentary in response is an attempt to shed light on where the tenets of Bapat’s game-theoretic model may be erroneous, even while the model does produce conclusions that appear valid overall.

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Ennek a dolgozatnak az a célja, hogy bemutassa Magyarország történeti kettős adóztatás elkerüléséről szóló egyezményeit. A bevezetés, az első és a második fejezet a nemzetközi adózással kapcsolatos alapfogalmakat tisztázza. A harmadik fejezet Magyarország XVII-XVIII. századi gazdasági és politikai helyzetét írja le. Az ezt követő fejezetek a világháborúk előtti, közötti és utánuk következő időszak adóegyezményeinek történetével foglalkoznak. Az egyik fejezet a KGST tagállamok által kötött kettős adóztatás elkerüléséről szóló multilaterális egyezményt tárgyalja. Az összegzésben megállapításra kerül, hogy az adóegyezmények megkötésének a múltban nem feltétlenül gazdasági okai voltak. Bizonyos esetekben sokkal erőteljesebb volt a politikai (elsősorban külpolitikai) motiváció. A tanulmány számos olyan érdekes adalékkal szolgál a Vasfüggöny előtt letárgyalt adóegyezményekről, amelyek eddig még nem kerültek publikálásra a magyar szakirodalomban. _________ This paper intends to review the history of the double taxation agreements concluded by Hungary. The introduction, the first and the second chapters clear some basic definitions in the field of international taxation. The third chapter describes the political and economic history of Hungary back in the 17-18 centuries. The next chapters deal with the tax treaties concluded before the First World War, between the two Wars and after the Second World War. One chapter touches upon the COMECON multilateral tax treaties. The paper concludes that the economic importance of old tax treaties was not always the strongest commanding force during the negotiations. Sometimes political (especially foreign policy) reasons seemed much more relevant for the treaty party countires. The paper also provides an overview of the most interesting features of the tax treaties negotiated before the fall of the Iron Curtain for the first time in the Hungarian literature.

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For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.

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For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn's implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.

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For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.

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The aim of the article is to analyse the roots of the current refugee crisis in Syria. The author argues that the most effective way to solve the crisis can only be to re-establish order and stability in Syria and Iraq. However, even with the most recent international attempts to bring the different Syrian actors to engage in proximity talks, re-establishing order in Syria will not be possible in the short term for the international community. Therefore more attention is needed to address the refugee crisis in the neighbouring countries. Due to its geographical location Turkey is the most important host and transit country for Syrian and other migrants. Turkey lacks the appropriate legal system and infrastructure to handle the situation. The author argues that the international community must make a greater effort to provide the refugees with basic necessities. The EU-Turkey agreement is an important step forward, but it lacks a truly comprehensive approach to solve the crisis. Turkey’s foreign policy toward Syria further complicates the challenge arising from the Syrian crisis.