7 resultados para Transition to democracy, political regime, authoritarianism, democracy, democratization.
em Corvinus Research Archive - The institutional repository for the Corvinus University of Budapest
Resumo:
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to present a conceptual framework in order to analyse and understand the twin developments of successful microeconomic reform on the one hand and failed macroeconomic stabilisation attempts on the other hand in Hungary. The case study also attempts to explore the reasons why Hungarian policymakers were willing to initiate reforms in the micro sphere, but were reluctant to initiate major changes in public finances both before and after the regime change of 1989/1990. Design/methodology/approach – The paper applies a path-dependent approach by carefully analysing Hungary's Communist and post-Communist economic development. The study restricts itself to a positive analysis but normative statements can also be drawn accordingly. Findings – The study demonstrates that the recent deteriorating economic performance of Hungary is not a recent phenomenon. By providing a path-dependent explanation, it argues that both Communist and post-Communist governments used the general budget as a buffer to compensate the losers of economic reforms, especially microeconomic restructuring. The gradualist success of the country – which dates back to at least 1968 – in the field of liberalisation, marketisation and privatisation was accompanied by a constant overspending in the general government. Practical implications – Hungary has been one of the worst-hit countries of the 2008/2009 financial crisis, not just in Central and Eastern Europe but in the whole world. The capacity and opportunity for strengthening international investors' confidence is, however, not without doubts. The current deterioration is deeply rooted in failed past macroeconomic management. The dissolution of fiscal laxity and state paternalism in a broader context requires, therefore, an all-encompassing reform of the general government, which may trigger serious challenges to the political regime as well. Originality/value – The study aims to show that a relatively high ratio of redistribution, a high and persistent public deficit and an accelerated indebtedness are not recent phenomena in Hungary. In fact, these trends characterised the country well before the transformation of 1989/1990, and have continued in the post-socialist years, too. To explain such a phenomenon, the study argues that in the last couple of decades the hardening of the budget constraint of firms have come at the cost of maintaining the soft budget constraint of the state.
Resumo:
This paper focuses on Belarus in order to find explanation as to why could Lukashenko remain the authoritarian leader of Belarus, while in Ukraine the position of the political elite had proved less stable and collapsed in 2004. We seek to determine whether the internal factors (macroeconomic conditions, standard of living, the oppressive nature of the political system) play a significant role in the operation of the domino effect. This article emphasises the determining role of immanent internal factors, thus the political stability in Belarus can be explained by the role of the suppressing political regime, the hindrance of democratic rights and the relatively good living conditions that followed the transformational recession. Whilst in Ukraine, the markedly different circumstances brought forth the success of the Orange Revolution.
Resumo:
The aim of this paper is to analyze the political, social and economic background of the divergence of Belarusian and Ukrainian transitions. We focus on Belarus in order to find explanation for questions such as why could Lukashenko remain the authoritarian leader of Belarus, while in Ukraine the position of the political elite had proved less stable and collapsed in 2004. On the theoretical framework of elite-sociology, we seek to determine whether the internal factors (as macroeconomic conditions, standard of living, the oppressive nature of the political system and the structure of the political elite) play a significant role in the operation of the domino effect. This article emphasises the determining role of immanent internal factors, thus the political stability in Belarus can be explained by the role of the suppressing political regime, the hindrance of democratic rights and the relatively good living conditions that followed the transformational recession. Whilst in Ukraine, the markedly different circumstances brought forth the success of the Orange Revolution.
Resumo:
Due to the communist regime in Hungary the values and principles of the Second Vatican Counsil could hardly achieve their goal in the region and the situation is almost the same even today. This paper examines two levels of society where the thoughts of Gaudium et spes might have appeared: we have explored that there are Christian companies existing about 15 years since the political transition in 1990 and we made a research among individuals in rural environment, how could they preserve their human wholeness described in GS, in other words, how could they keep their social, cultural, natural, religiuos and local roots amongst the consumer society that has been developped in Hungary at the time of capitalism. Regarding the Christian companies our research could produce a positive result: we have explored that although the Christian companies survayed hardly know the Church’s social doctrine, they live and operate according to it. At the same time in the realm of individuals we cannot tell good news of this kind. Most of the persons interviewed have already lost or are near to loose their roots, that is their human wholeness. Our final conclusion is that our hope for preserving even strenghtening the values of GS in the Hungarian society is in the communities, be it work communities, as John Paul II. mentioned in his encyclical Sollicitudo rei Socialis. The paper presents the details and conclusions of our researches.
Resumo:
A fejlett ipari országokra a hetvenes évektől mind inkább jellemző tartós költségvetési hiányt sem a keynesi, sem pedig a neoklasszikus elmélet nem tudta kielégítően magyarázni. Az új politikai gazdaságtan azonban, úgy tűnik, sikerrel tárta fel nemcsak a tartós hiány és a növekvő eladósodottság okait, hanem a fiskális politikai teljesítményben országok között és időben mutatkozó jelentős eltérések forrásait is. A siker elsősorban annak köszönhető, hogy az új politikai gazdaságtan a költségvetési politika alakításának politikai és intézményi korlátai felé fordult, azzal a nem titkolt szándékkal, hogy kiterjessze a főáramú közgazdaságtan határait, és beépítse modelljeibe a gazdaságpolitikai döntéshozatal folyamatát. Tanulmányunkban négy átfogó magyarázatot tekintünk át - ezek: 1. az adósságállomány stratégiai használata, 2. a stabilizáció elodázása, 3. a politikai és választási rendszerek különbözősége és 4. a gyenge vagy széttöredezett végrehajtói hatalom -, azzal az egyértelmű igénnyel, hogy a szokásos pozitív elemzést normatív vizsgálódással egészítsük ki. / === / Neither Keynesian nor Neoclassical theory managed to explain adequately the increasingly typical state of chronic budgetary deficit found in developed industrial countries since the 1970s. But the new political economy seems to have revealed the causes of the chronic deficit and mounting indebtedness and of the reasons for the marked differences in fiscal-policy performance between countries and periods. The success can be ascribed primarily to the fact that the new political economy turned to the political and institutional constraints on the formation of budgetary policy, with the unconcealed aim of broadening the bounds of mainstream economics and building the policy-making process into it. The study examines four comprehensive explanations: 1. strategic use of debt stock, 2. postponement of stabilization, 3. differences of political and electoral systems, and 4. weak or fragmented executive power, with the clear intention of complementing the customary positive analysis with a normative examination.
Resumo:
The Republic of South Africa is a unique place on the African continent: it was the only place which had a bloodless transition process when the regime changed from a minority government to a democratic one. During the transition period unemployment was at a level of 13 percent, however it rose to 30 percent in just six years time. In the paper we analyse what kind of attempts does the government make in order to sustain the social assistance system, and keep its promise to the voters by providing better living conditions and protection as opposed to apartheid.
Resumo:
Sokoldalú nemzetközi megállapodások és programok foglalkoznak a hulladékok keletkezésének és az országhatárokon átterjedő hatásainak problémájával, a nemzetközi együttműködést szükségessé tevő megoldásokkal. A leginkább átfogó megközelítést a probléma hajtóerőinek szentelt globális programok tartalmazzák, de a fenntarthatóság alapelveire támaszkodó termelési eljárásokra és fogyasztási szokásokra, a zöld gazdaságra való áttérést szorgalmazó dokumentumok nem tartalmaznak számon kérhető kötelezettségeket. A konkrétabb hulladékkeletkezési és hatásterjedési ügyekben – mindenekelőtt a veszélyes hulladékok és a nemzeti fennhatóság alá nem tartozó területekre eljutó vagy ott keletkező hulladékok esetében – jóval konkrétabb nemzetközi megállapodások és programok léteznek. Ezek szabályozási, szakpolitikai, technológiai célokat, feladatokat határoznak meg az országok és az érintett ágazati szereplők szintjén is. Egyes problémák kapcsán és egyes térségekben a hulladékgazdálkodás jelentős eredményeket tud felmutatni, de általában véve a nemzetközi megállapodások hatékony végrehajtásával komoly gondok vannak. Továbbá a meglévő nemzetközi eszközök összességükben még teljes körű végrehajtásuk esetén sem lennének képesek ellensúlyozni a hulladékprobléma globális szintű növekedését. Következésképpen további erőfeszítésekre van szükség – minden kormány, érintett nem-kormányzati szervezet és az ágazatok részéről – különösen a megelőzés vonatkozásában. ____ Various multilateral agreements and programmes deal with the problems of waste generation and its transboundary impacts, and those solutions, which necessitate international co-operation. Those global programmes include the most comprehensive approach, which are dedicated to the drivers of these problems, however, these documents promoting the transition to sustainable production and consumption, or to the green economy do not consist of binding commitments. In case of more concrete issues of waste generation and transboundary impacts there are much more concrete international agreements and programmes, especially, for the hazardous waste streams and the waste transmitted to and/or generated in areas outside national jurisdiction. These determine regulatory, policy, technological goals and tasks for the participating countries and the relevant sectors. Significant progress is demonstrated for some specific problems and in certain regions, but in general, there are serious concerns about the efficient implementation of the international agreements in their entirety. Moreover, even if those were fully accomplished, the existing set of the international instruments would be unable to counterweigh the global increase of the waste problem. Consequently, further efforts are needed by all countries, the relevant non-governmental organisations and sectors, primarily in order to prevent the further global escalation of the problem.