5 resultados para Political systems
em Corvinus Research Archive - The institutional repository for the Corvinus University of Budapest
Resumo:
The aim of this paper is to analyze the political, social and economic background of the divergence of Belarusian and Ukrainian transitions. We focus on Belarus in order to find explanation for questions such as why could Lukashenko remain the authoritarian leader of Belarus, while in Ukraine the position of the political elite had proved less stable and collapsed in 2004. On the theoretical framework of elite-sociology, we seek to determine whether the internal factors (as macroeconomic conditions, standard of living, the oppressive nature of the political system and the structure of the political elite) play a significant role in the operation of the domino effect. This article emphasises the determining role of immanent internal factors, thus the political stability in Belarus can be explained by the role of the suppressing political regime, the hindrance of democratic rights and the relatively good living conditions that followed the transformational recession. Whilst in Ukraine, the markedly different circumstances brought forth the success of the Orange Revolution.
Resumo:
Up to January 2011 authoritarian political regimes in the Middle East had widely been considered stable due to the armed forces, the underdeveloped political institutions, the economic embeddedness of the regimes, the neo-patrimonial structure of the Arab societies and, eventually the characteristics of Islam. Middle Eastern political systems are often considered to belong to a special sub-group of non-democratic regimes called liberalized autocracies. The 2011 events show that there is a new, as yet non-defined political structure emerging. Although there are different interpretations of the developments, there is a consensus on the determinant role of the Islamist organizations in the development of the new political structure. The results of the Egyptian and Tunisian parliamentary elections show that the secular political parties could not attract the public, while in Tunisia the long forbidden Hizb an-Nahda could form a government. In Egypt Hizb al-Hurriya established by the Muslim Brotherhood in 2011 won almost half of the parliamentary mandates, and to a great surprise, the Salafi Hizb an-Nour also received 24.3% of the votes. On the basis of the above developments the thesis of the Islamist re-organization of the Middle East, i.e. of a new wave of Islamism was elaborated, according to which the main political winners of the revolts in the Arab countries are the Islamist organizations, which could step in and fill in the political vacuum. While some speak of an Islamist autumn or Islamist winter as the result of the Arab Spring, others prefer the term Islamic revolutions.
Resumo:
The paper intends to give an insight into the relations of the economic and political systems of the Central Asian republics using the theoretical framework of the "rentier economy" and "rentier state" approach. The main findings of the paper are that two (Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan) of the five states examined are commodity export dependent full-scale rentier states. The two political systems are of a stable neo-patrimonial regime character, while the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan, poor in natural resources but dependent on external rents, may be described as "semi-rentier" states or "rentier economies". They are politically more instable, but have an altogether authoritarian, oligarchical clan-based character. Uzbekistan with its closed economy, showing tendencies of economic autarchy, is also a potentially politically unstable clan-based regime. Thus, in the Central Asian context, the rentier state or rentier economy character affects the political stability of the actual regimes rather than having a direct impact on whether power is exercised in an autocratic or democratic way.
Resumo:
A fejlett ipari orszgokra a hetvenes vektl mind inkbb jellemz tarts kltsgvetsi hinyt sem a keynesi, sem pedig a neoklasszikus elmlet nem tudta kielgten magyarzni. Az j politikai gazdasgtan azonban, gy tnik, sikerrel trta fel nemcsak a tarts hiny s a nvekv eladsodottsg okait, hanem a fisklis politikai teljestmnyben orszgok kztt s idben mutatkoz jelents eltrsek forrsait is. A siker elssorban annak ksznhet, hogy az j politikai gazdasgtan a kltsgvetsi politika alaktsnak politikai s intzmnyi korltai fel fordult, azzal a nem titkolt szndkkal, hogy kiterjessze a fram kzgazdasgtan hatrait, s beptse modelljeibe a gazdasgpolitikai dntshozatal folyamatt. Tanulmnyunkban ngy tfog magyarzatot tekintnk t - ezek: 1. az adssgllomny stratgiai hasznlata, 2. a stabilizci elodzsa, 3. a politikai s vlasztsi rendszerek klnbzsge s 4. a gyenge vagy szttredezett vgrehajti hatalom -, azzal az egyrtelm ignnyel, hogy a szoksos pozitv elemzst normatv vizsgldssal egsztsk ki. / === / Neither Keynesian nor Neoclassical theory managed to explain adequately the increasingly typical state of chronic budgetary deficit found in developed industrial countries since the 1970s. But the new political economy seems to have revealed the causes of the chronic deficit and mounting indebtedness and of the reasons for the marked differences in fiscal-policy performance between countries and periods. The success can be ascribed primarily to the fact that the new political economy turned to the political and institutional constraints on the formation of budgetary policy, with the unconcealed aim of broadening the bounds of mainstream economics and building the policy-making process into it. The study examines four comprehensive explanations: 1. strategic use of debt stock, 2. postponement of stabilization, 3. differences of political and electoral systems, and 4. weak or fragmented executive power, with the clear intention of complementing the customary positive analysis with a normative examination.
Resumo:
A posztszocialista talakulssal foglalkoz irodalom rendszerint az tmenet politikai, gazdasgi s trsadalmi oldalval foglalkozik, holott az elmlt hsz vben fontos vltozsok mentek vgbe a technikai halads tern is. A kapitalizmus egyik f ernye a dinamizmus, a vllalkozs, az innovcis folyamat ers sztnzse. Valamennyi (polgri clokra hasznlt) forradalmian j termket a kapitalista rendszer hozta ltre, a szocialista rendszer legfeljebb katonai rendeltets j termkekkel tudott elllni. A cikk azt elemzi, hogy mennyiben magyarzhat ez a mlyrehat klnbsg a kt rendszer veleszletett hajlamaival, alapvet tulajdonsgaival. Az j termkek trhdtsa (kztk a szmtgp, a mobiltelefon, az internet, az informcis-kommunikcis szfra radiklis talakulsa) megvltoztatta az emberek mindennapi lett. Mikzben sokan mindezt kedvez vltozsknt lik meg, nem vesznek tudomst a kapitalista rendszer s a gyors technikai halads kztti okozati sszefggsrl. A kapitalizmusnak e fontos ernyt a mikrokonmia szokvnyos oktatsa sem vilgtja meg a dikok szmra, s nem kap kell hangslyt a vezet politikusok megnyilvnulsaiban sem. _________________ Literature on post-socialist transformation usually deals with the political, economic and social sides of it, although there have also been important changes in the field of technical advance in the last twenty years. One of capitalisms main virtues is the strong incentive it gives to dynamism, enterprise and the innovation process. Every revolutionary new product (for civilian use) has been brought about by the capitalist system. The socialist system was capable at most of developing new military products. The article analyses how far this radical difference can be explained by the innate tendencies and basis attributes of the two systems. Our daily lives have been transformed by these new products (for instance, the sphere of information and communications by the computer, the mobile phone and the internet). While many people see all these as favourable changes, fewer discern the causal relation between the capitalist system and rapid technical progress. Yet the usual syllabus of microeconomics does not enlighten students on this important virtue of capitalism, which is not adequately emphasized in the statements of leading politicians either.
