A felemelkedés mátrixa. Brazília a Lula-érában (Brazil during Lula era)

Az elmúlt évtizedben a nemzetközi kapcsolatok és a nemzetközi politikai gazdaságtan szakirodalmában is intenzív figyelem övezte az ún. feltörekvő gazdaságokat, közöttük Brazíliát. Luiz Inácio „Lula” da Silva két elnöki ciklusában (2003–2011) a feltörekvő piacok globális pozíciónyerése, a brazil külpolitika aktivizálódása és a brazil gazdaság kiemelkedő teljesítménye új koordinátarendszerbe helyezte a dél-amerikai óriást. A tanulmány a Lula-éra politikai és gazdasági teljesítményét foglalja össze: állami, regionális és globális szinten vizsgálja a dinamikus brazil fejlődés elmúlt évtizedét. / === / Since the millennium the literature on international relations and international political economy has been focusing on so-called emerging countries. This trend has brought unexpected and rarely experienced attention to the Latin American region, especially to Brazil. During Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva's presidencies (2003–2011) the global high position of emerging markets, the activity of Brazilian foreign policy and the outstanding achievements of the Brazilian economy placed the South American giant into a new frame of reference. The study sums up the political and economic performance of the Lula era: examines the past decade of dynamic Brazilian development at national, regional and global level.

Transition and Foreign Aid Policies in the Visegrád Countries: A Path Dependant Approach

The paper argues that the current emerging international development policies of the Visegrád (V4) countries are heavily influenced by the certain aspects of the communist past and the transition process. Due to these influences, the V4 countries have difficulties in adapting the foreign aid practices of Western donors and this leads to the emergence of a unique Central and Eastern European development cooperation model. As an analytical background, the paper builds on the path dependency theory of transition. A certain degree of path dependence is clearly visible in V4 foreign aid policies, and the paper analyzes some aspects of this phenomenon: how these new emerging foreign aid donors select their partner countries, how much they spend on aid, how they formulate their aid delivery policies and institutions and what role the non state actors play. The main conclusions of the paper are that the legacies of the communist past have a clear influence and the V4 countries still have a long way to go in adapting their aid policies to international requirements.

First impressions and perceived roles: Palestinian perceptions on foreign aid

This paper summarizes some results of a wider research on foreign aid that was conducted in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 2010. It seeks to describe the impressions and feelings of Palestinian aid beneficiaries as well as the roles and functions they attached to foreign aid. To capture and measure local perceptions on Western assistance a series of individual in depth interviews and few focus group interviews were conducted in the Palestinian territories. The interview transcripts were processed by content analysis. As research results show — from the perspective of aid beneficiaries — foreign aid is more related to human dignity than to any economic development. All this implies that frustration with the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict inevitably embraces the donor policies and practices too.

Are Democratizing Countries ‘Rewarded’ with Higher Levels of Foreign Aid?

The paper examines how flows of foreign aid have reacted to events of democratization in developing countries. Using a panel dataset of 136 aid receiving countries between 1980 and 2009, aid allocation regressions reveal that donors in general have tended to react to visible, major democratic transitions by increasing aid to the partner country, but no significant increases can be identified in case of countries introducing smaller democratic reforms. The increases in aid flows are not sustained over time, implying that donors do not provide long term support to nascent democracies. Also, democratizations in Sub-Saharan Africa do not seem to have been rewarded with higher levels of aid.

Links between migration and the presence of foreign combatants in armed conflict

This article explores the connections between migration and foreign combat, offering an improved definition of „foreign fighters,” and a general concept of foreign combatants’ behaviour as an anomalous form of migration. In contrast with the popular discourse and terrorism-related concerns about present-day Western European foreign fighters in Iraq and Syria (and their return to Europe) and Middle Eastern migrant refugees (and their arrival in Europe), the intention of this article is to offer a conceptually thorough consideration of the causal connections between movements of migration and the presence of foreign combatants in armed conflict, informed by a wide sample of cases. Such an assessment has to take place with a view to all forms of migration (including forced migration), all forms of foreign combat (not only foreign combat on the side of non-state actors as David Malet's oft-cited but overly restrictive definition would imply), and regions of the world beyond the Middle East and Islamic countries. Along these guiding lines, the article points out many comparatively rarely considered cases of foreign combat as well as the underestimated obstacles in the way of fighting abroad. Taking account of the latter allows refutation of a key implication of „new war theory” (its focus on „greed” as a motive of combatants), in light of the continued importance of cultural factors and ideological motives for participation in foreign combat.