5 resultados para Middle East
em Corvinus Research Archive - The institutional repository for the Corvinus University of Budapest
Resumo:
A 20112012-ben zajlott, arab tavasznak nevezett esemnyek j korszak kezdett jeleztk a Kzel-Keleten, mely a hideghbor vge ta, de klnsen a 2003-as iraki hbor kvetkeztben amgy is mlyrehat talakulsi folyamaton megy keresztl. Ennek sorn a trsg hrom nem arab llama, Izrael, Irn s Trkorszg vlt a rgi hatalmi egyenslynak meghatroz erkzpontjv, mikzben az arab orszgok amgy sem homogn csoportja a httrbe szorult. A korbban mrtkad arab llamok (Egyiptom, Irak, Szria) klnbz okok miatt elvesztettk vonzerejket a tbbiek szmra, mikzben Szad-Arbia sem vllalta a vezet szerept. Az arab tavasz sorn egymstl egyre nyilvnvalbban fggetlen nemzetllamm vlt arab orszgok mind kevesebb krdsben hajlandk kzs llspontot kpviselni a nemzetkzi frumokon. Az talakul kzel-keleti regionlis rendben azonban az llamok viszonylagos hatalmi egyenslyban bekvetkezett vltozsok miatt a trsg helyzett meghatroz szereplk szma megnvekedett, hiszen legalbb Egyiptommal s Szad-Arbival ismt mint politikai kzponttal kell szmolni. A jelen tanulmny az e regionlis rendben sokak szerint neooszmn hegemn trekvsekkel fellp Trkorszg helyt s szerept vizsglja.
Resumo:
A tanulmny clja, hogy krljrja a tgabb Kzel-Keleten tapasztalhat modernizcis vlsg httert, lehetsges bels okait s kvetkezmnyeit. A szerz r kvn mutatni az egyes kzel-keleti llamok modernizcis lehetsgei kztti klnbsgekre. Az elemzs interdiszciplinris megkzeltst alkalmazva a modernizci gazdasgi vetlete mellett a politikai s trsadalmi krdsekkel is foglalkozik. A tanulmny nem tr ki a kzel-keleti llamok makrogazdasgi mutatira, hiszen errl szmos munka megjelent magyar nyelven is. / === / The goal of the paper is to analyze the background, potential causes and consequences of the modernization crisis on the boarder Middle East. The author points out the differences between the possibilities these countries have for modernization. The analyses uses an interdisciplinary approach and examines the economic, political and social aspects of modernization.
Resumo:
Az Amerikai Egyeslt llamok mint a vilg gazdasgilag s katonailag legersebb hatalma hamarosan lekzdi a jelenlegi vlsgot s tovbbra is vezet hatalom marad. Eurpban a fbb tennivalkat tovbbra is a demogrfiai helyzet, a migrci kezelse s az sszeurpai intzmnyek kialaktsa jelenti. A szovjet utdllamok etnikai feszltsgekkel s demogrfiai hanyatlssal, tovbb az orosz befolys ersdsvel szmolhatnak. A hbors trsgekben a feszltsg nem fog cskkenni Irak, Afganisztn Irn, szak-Afrika s a Kzel-Kelet tovbbra is a figyelem kzppontjban lesz. Kna gazdasgi nvekedse kvetkeztben a vilg msodik legnagyobb hatalmv lphet el. sszessgben megllapthat, hogy a vilg az elmlt vekben nem lett biztonsgosabb s ez a tendencia folytatdik 2011-ben is. / === / The economic and political processes experienced in the world are followed by great attention not only by experts, but also by public opinion. The most important conclusions of the study are as follows: the United States as the economically and politically strongest power in the world will soon overcome the present crisis and preserve its leading power status. The main task in Europe will remain handling the demographic decline and migration, as well as to establish appropriate pan-European institutions. The post-Soviet successor states are facing ethnical tensions and demographic decline. In addition , they cannot resist the strengthening Russian influence. The tension in the war-zones is not expected to significantly ease, Iraq, Afghanistan, North Africa and the Middle East will remain high on the world's agenda. China thanks to its economic growth is going to become the second greatest power of the world. In the study we can read in detail about the development tendencies of the regions and states. To sum up, the world has not become safer at all in the past years and this tendency will continue also in 2011.
Resumo:
Up to January 2011 authoritarian political regimes in the Middle East had widely been considered stable due to the armed forces, the underdeveloped political institutions, the economic embeddedness of the regimes, the neo-patrimonial structure of the Arab societies and, eventually the characteristics of Islam. Middle Eastern political systems are often considered to belong to a special sub-group of non-democratic regimes called liberalized autocracies. The 2011 events show that there is a new, as yet non-defined political structure emerging. Although there are different interpretations of the developments, there is a consensus on the determinant role of the Islamist organizations in the development of the new political structure. The results of the Egyptian and Tunisian parliamentary elections show that the secular political parties could not attract the public, while in Tunisia the long forbidden Hizb an-Nahda could form a government. In Egypt Hizb al-Hurriya established by the Muslim Brotherhood in 2011 won almost half of the parliamentary mandates, and to a great surprise, the Salafi Hizb an-Nour also received 24.3% of the votes. On the basis of the above developments the thesis of the Islamist re-organization of the Middle East, i.e. of a new wave of Islamism was elaborated, according to which the main political winners of the revolts in the Arab countries are the Islamist organizations, which could step in and fill in the political vacuum. While some speak of an Islamist autumn or Islamist winter as the result of the Arab Spring, others prefer the term Islamic revolutions.
Resumo:
This article explores the connections between migration and foreign combat, offering an improved definition of foreign fighters, and a general concept of foreign combatants behaviour as an anomalous form of migration. In contrast with the popular discourse and terrorism-related concerns about present-day Western European foreign fighters in Iraq and Syria (and their return to Europe) and Middle Eastern migrant refugees (and their arrival in Europe), the intention of this article is to offer a conceptually thorough consideration of the causal connections between movements of migration and the presence of foreign combatants in armed conflict, informed by a wide sample of cases. Such an assessment has to take place with a view to all forms of migration (including forced migration), all forms of foreign combat (not only foreign combat on the side of non-state actors as David Malet's oft-cited but overly restrictive definition would imply), and regions of the world beyond the Middle East and Islamic countries. Along these guiding lines, the article points out many comparatively rarely considered cases of foreign combat as well as the underestimated obstacles in the way of fighting abroad. Taking account of the latter allows refutation of a key implication of new war theory (its focus on greed as a motive of combatants), in light of the continued importance of cultural factors and ideological motives for participation in foreign combat.
