7 resultados para self-determination

em Aston University Research Archive


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Some South Pacific territories are registered on the list of the UN 4th Committee on Decolonisation while some other territories, from the same region, and that would deserve to be on that list, are not. After discussing the criteria applied by the UN Committee to define self-determination, we consider whether the principle of decolonisation, and self-determination, in the main perspective of independence, is still a valid option today.

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From French colonies (or protectorates) to French Overseas Territories or Overseas Départements in 1946, these French overseas entities have progressively evolved, by different speeds and degrees. If the initial changes suggested by the United Nations (UN) were mostly justified on political and ideological grounds (the right to independence, self-determination and sovereignty), the current changes, encouraged by France this time, appear mainly as an attempt to alleviate economic dependency. This paper considers what is really at stake in the current statutory evolution of the French Overseas territories.

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This contribution explores notions of sovereignty in the three French territories of the South Pacific: French Polynesia, New Caledonia, and Wallis and Futuna. It also analyses the key nuances and challenges of the transition from aspirations of 'independence' to those of 'shared sovereignty'. From protectorates or colonies to overseas territories (Territoires d'Outre-Mer), these three territories have experienced specific and customised statuses with various degrees of autonomy, all underscoring a fine line between autonomy and sovereignty. Indeed, 'sovereignty' has today become much more synonymous with the concept of 'self-government' or 'large autonomy', as the current situation in French Polynesia demonstrates. Meanwhile, New Caledonia is one step closer to 'full sovereignty', since its actual status includes provisions for a referendum on self-determination between 2014 and 2018. The claim for independence, a characteristic of Kanak and Maohi movements, has become more pragmatically focused, to the extent that considering sovereignty 'in free-association' with France is now a perfectly conceivable option. © 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

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This paper considers the agency of children moving to the streets of Accra, Ghana's capital city. A much used but largely unexamined concept, agency is nevertheless commonly deployed in childhood studies as a means to stress the capacity of children to choose to do things. In the literature on street and working children, and a cognate area of study concerned with children's independent migration, this has involved accounts of children's agency made meaningful by reference to theories of rational choice or to the normative force of childhood. It is our argument that both approaches leave unanswered important questions and to counter these omissions we draw upon the arguments of social realists and, in particular, the stress they place on vulnerability as the basis for human agency. We develop this argument further by reference to our research with street children. By drawing upon the children's accounts of leaving their households and heading for Accra's streets, it is our contention that these children do frame their departures as matters of individual choice and self-determination, and that in doing so they speak of a considerable capacity for action. Nevertheless, a deeper reading of their testimonies also points to the children's understandings of their own vulnerability. By examining what we see as their inability to be dependent upon family and kin, we stress the importance of the children's perceptions of their vulnerability, frailty and need as the basis for a fuller understanding of their agency in leaving their households. © 2013 The Author. The Sociological Review © 2013 The Editorial Board of The Sociological Review.

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Research has looked at single rather than a configuration of human resource management (HRM) practices to influence creativity so it is not yet clear how these practices synergistically facilitate creativity and organisational performance. I address this significant but unanswered question in a three-part study. In Study 1, I develop a high performance work system (HPWS) for creativity scale. I use Study 2 sample to test the validity of the new scale. In Study 3, I test a multilevel model of the intervening processes through which branch HPWS for creativity influences creativity and branch performance. Specifically, at the branch level, I draw on social context theory and hypothesise that branch HPWS for creativity relates to climate for creativity which, in turn, leads to creativity, and ultimately, to profit. Furthermore, I hypothesise environmental dynamism as a boundary condition of the creativity-profit relationship. At the individual level, I hypothesise a cross-level effect of branch HPWS for creativity on employee-perceived HPWS. I draw on self-determination theory and argue that perceived HPWS for creativity relate to need satisfaction and the psychological pathways of intrinsic motivation and creative process engagement to predict creativity. I also hypothesise climate for creativity as a cross-level moderator of the intrinsic motivation-creativity and creative process engagement-creativity relationships. Results of hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) indicate that ten out of the fifteen hypotheses were supported. The findings of this study respond to calls for HPWS to be designed around a strategic focus by developing and providing initial validity evidence of an HPWS for creativity scale. The results reveal the underlying mechanisms through which HPWS for creativity simultaneously influences individual and branch creativity leading to profit. Lastly, results indicate environmental dynamism to be an important boundary condition of the creativity-profit relationship and climate for creativity as a cross-level moderator of the creative process engagement-creativity.

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There is growing interest in exploring the potential links between human biology and management and organization studies, which is bringing greater attention to bear on the place of mental processes in explaining human behaviour and effectiveness. The authors define this new field as organizational cognitive neuroscience (OCN), which is in the exploratory phase of its emergence and diffusion. It is clear that there are methodological debates and issues associated with OCN research, and the aim of this paper is to illuminate these concerns, and provide a roadmap for rigorous and relevant future work in the area. To this end, the current reach of OCN is investigated by the systematic review methodology, revealing three clusters of activity, covering the fields of economics, marketing and organizational behaviour. Among these clusters, organizational behaviour seems to be an outlier, owing to its far greater variety of empirical work, which the authors argue is largely a result of the plurality of research methods that have taken root within this field. Nevertheless, all three clusters contribute to a greater understanding of the biological mechanisms that mediate choice and decision-making. The paper concludes that OCN research has already provided important insights regarding the boundaries surrounding human freedom to act in various domains and, in turn, self-determination to influence the workplace. However, there is much to be done, and emerging research of significant interest is highlighted.

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This article explores how religion as a political force shapes and deflects the struggle for gender equality in contexts marked by different histories of nation building and challenges of ethnic diversity, different state–society relations (from the more authoritarian to the more democratic), and different relations between state power and religion (especially in the domain of marriage, family and personal laws). It shows how ‘private’ issues, related to the family, sexuality and reproduction, have become sites of intense public contestation between conservative religious actors wishing to regulate them based on some transcendent moral principle, and feminist and other human rights advocates basing their claims on pluralist and time- and context-specific solutions. Not only are claims of ‘divine truth’ justifying discriminatory practices against women hard to challenge, but the struggle for gender equality is further complicated by the manner in which it is closely tied up with, and inseparable from, struggles for social and economic justice, ethnic/racial recognition, and national self-determination vis-à-vis imperial/global domination.